Le rôle des femmes dans la guerre civile colombienne
12.07.2020
Written by Rinaudo-Dome
Translated by Julie Penverne
In Colombia, depictions of war have gradually given rise to stereotypes that confine women to the role of ‘caretaker’ and men to the role of ‘fighter’. Analysing these stereotypes through gender lens allows for the rupture of this cleavage and the perception of more complex realities. The Colombian civil conflict is a good illustration of this problem, as it helps to depict the relationship between Colombian women and their society. While the population as a whole is affected, women are often victims of sexual, physical and psychological violence because of their social status and gender. The evolution of women’s role in this conflict, particularly within the communist guerrillas in which they are the main actors, is gradually introducing the gender issue into the country’s future objectives.
A turf war in which women are the main victims
“Perhaps the most shameful human rights violation is violence against women. It knows no geographical, cultural or social divides. As long as violent acts continue to be perpetrated, we cannot claim progress towards equality, development and peace” Kofi Annan, Secretary General of the United Nations, April 2000.
Civilians have been the main victims of Colombia’s decades-long civil conflict
The armed conflict escalated from the 1960s onwards between these different groups and increased the vulnerability of children and women. Several types of violence against women were then identified: sexual assault, threats, homicides, disappearances, forced displacement, but also rape, torture, forced prostitution and forced sterilization. As a result, women became victims on both sides of the conflict. Indeed, they are often used as reprisals to punish a group for the occupation of a territory. Mutilation and sexual violence against women and girls are frequent during massacres perpetrated by the military, who often collaborates with government security forces[2]. Some of them are abducted by paramilitaries but also by guerrilla groups who use them as sexual slaves or abuse them after they have been recruited. Guerrilla groups are known to perform abortions or forced sterilisations on recruited women, the FARC especially. Thus, violence, mainly sexual, is widespread in conflict zones. The victims are generally marginalized women, such as Afro-Colombian, indigenous, peasant women or women living in slums where poverty reins, such as Ciudad Bolivar, the main slum of Bogotá[3]. These slums are often the place of residence for civilians displaced by the conflict. The aforementioned violent methods seek above all to control as many personal components of women’s lives as possible, including their bodies, their sexualities and their fertility. In this way, women are the first victims of the Colombian conflict. This leads us to question the way women are perceived and treated in society outside the context of war.
Colombian feminism and the patriarchal society
Colombian women and girls not only face the violence inherent to the armed conflict, but are also victims of gender-based discrimination, very present in Colombian society.
Colombia remains a patriarchal society[4] where violence against women is normalized in the collective unconscious[5] and becomes a “fact of life”. Feminicide – any act or behaviour based on the status of women that causes death, suffering or harm – is a growing phenomenon in Colombia. Since January 2020, 315 women have been murdered by their spouses or relatives and an estimated 16,000 women have suffered domestic violence[6]. In comparison, France witnessed 149 feminicides in 2019[7] and 49 since January 2020[8]. Osez le féminisme, a feminist organisation, suggests a broader definition for feminicide: “murder of girls at birth, prenatal selection, mass killings, honour killings, women killed by their spouses or by strangers in the street. Macho violence is the leading cause of death of women aged 16 to 44 in the world [9]”.
Since the 1990s, Colombia has seen a comprehensive legislative progress in regards to women’s rights[10]. While the term feminicide is absent from the French penal code, it has been included in Columbian legislation in 2015[11]. Nevertheless, its integration into Colombian society proves more difficult and very often “judges prefer to talk about aggravated crimes to be sure that the sentence will be high enough[12]”. Still, 92% of aggressors are never convicted. Similarly, the quota law passed in Colombia in 1999 imposes a requirement that 30% of the members of parliament be women. However, in practice, these objectives are not achieved. According to the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU)[13] ranking of women quotas in national parliaments, Colombia ranks 119th out of 193 countries with a percentage of 18.3% women. Compared to its neighbours, Bolivia, Mexico and Ecuador, respectively 3rd, 5th and 27th, Colombia is struggling to meet its goals. In addition, women suffer greater inequality and poverty than men in terms of employment, education and access to land. For example, 30.3% of women aged 15 to 24 are not in education, employment or training compared to 13.3% of men of the same age[14].
In view of these legislative delays and the increase in violence, the women’s movement is gaining momentum. Since the 1960s, the term “patriarchy” has been increasingly used to highlight the constant and normalized oppression of women. Unfortunately, the movement is struggling to speak with a single voice for all demands. Indeed, the gender issue includes different segments of the population that are more or less marginalized in Colombian society. Indigenous women, Afro-descendant women and the LGBT movement are mixed with “bourgeois” feminism[15]. Moreover, the communist ideology at the origin of the guerrilla groups, includes very few feminist demands in its operations. Although these guerrillas are on the margins of the feminist movement, they should be taken into account in order to understand the changing role of women in the conflict.
The FARC : an image of women fighters
The number of women in the FARC is growing, which is why it is important to take them into account in the evolution of gender representations in Colombia. For a long time, they have been far removed from the ” manly ” representations of the war. Since, 1978, the integration of the status of women fighters within the FARC has changed their role in the conflict. From domestic tasks emanating from a patriarchal system, women gradually took up arms and changed their relationship to the war. Notably, a more feminine image of the guerrillas emerged during the 1998-2002 peace process and gradually gained ground. Thus – ten years later – during the 2012-2016 peace process, it is estimated that 40% of women are members of the FARC. This is an essential factor in understanding the weight of women in this environment.
In fact, feminist women in guerrilla groups represent the majority of demobilized women. The incompatibility of dual militancy (feminism and guerrilla warfare) has often prevented them from fully participating in the feminist movement. This explains why they remain fairly marginalized and isolated from militant action. This opposition is explained by the ethical and political duty of feminism to advocate for peace. Indeed, historically, feminism in the context of war is based on a desire for peace. In contrast, the guerrillas – actors in the armed conflict – do not share this pacifist vision. Feminism is founded against war as well as against the forms of oppression that women suffer during war. It seems that, in reality, equality between men and women in the guerrillas has never been achieved. In fact, despite a percentage of 40% women in the FARC, none of them are part of the two largest decision-making bodies[16]. More broadly, the awareness of women combatants of their inequity in relation to their male comrades seems to be gradually increasing the vulnerability of the guerrillas. Through the three peace processes[17], women activists are increasing their weight in political action against the Colombian conflict, suggesting that “the crucial (peace) situations for FARC favour the situation of women activists in this structure”[18].
A peace agreement widening the scope of possibilities for women
Feminist activism has made its voice heard in the peace negotiations. Indeed, women have gradually found their place in peace processes until 2012, where they were finally present at the negotiation tables.
Since the 1900s, the most influential Colombian feminist organisations (the Red de Mujeres, the Ruta Pacífica and the Iniciativa de Mujeres por la Paz) have developed conflict resolution oriented agenda. Their main demands include: a ceasefire, the “demilitarisation” of minds in daily life, better access to agricultural land, respect for women’s bodies, trial of crimes committed, development of gender-sensitive programmes and work promoting equality between men and women[21]. These demands have taken on greater importance in the 2012 agreement thanks to the intervention of the international arena and through the gradual awareness of the conflict’s impact on women. The place of women in this negotiating space has not been easy. As of 2013, the negotiating table that had until then been occupied only by men opened its doors to three women[22]. This was made possible through pressure from feminist organisations and gender-sensitive international organisations such as UN Women. The creation of a “historical commission on the conflict and its victims” and of a “gender sub-commission” later in 2014 were decisive for the women’s participation. Since then, women as political actors, previously neglected in the talks, have managed to establish their participation[23]. In 2016, when the final peace agreement was signed, the feminist movements that had made their voices heard faced further moral difficulties. The gender approach, including the inclusion of sexual minorities in the peace process, was confronted with the power of the Christian Pentecostal Church, undermining their efforts. The outcome of the referendum had revealed the polarization of Colombian society. This divide proved to be both geographical – between the countryside and the city through the demonisation of the guerrillas and the mistrust of the urban world – and ideological – between feminism and religion. Although the agreement was finally signed on 26 September 2016, demonstrations opposing feminist demands revealed that gender mainstreaming was still fragile.
Conclusion :
Women’s role in the Colombian conflict has gradually evolved to take a decisive place in the 2012 agreements of the peace processes.
However, although women’s demands are increasingly being heard and taken into account, women and gender issues continue to face a complex system where their bodies and sexual affiliations seem to be the subject of a public debate rather than a personal decision.
References
[1] Daniel PECAUT, L’Ordre et la violence. Évolution sociopolitique de la Colombie entre 1930 et 1953, EHESS (coll. Recherches d’histoire et de sciences sociales, vol. XXII), Paris, 1987, 488 p.
[2] Amnesty, Colombie. Le conflit armé et les violences à l’égard des femmes, 2004. Online : https://www.amnesty.org/fr/countries/americas/colombia/report-colombia/
[3] AFP, « La pauvreté en marge: bombe à retardement de la guerre en Colombie », Le Point, 15 May 2018, Available at : https://www.lepoint.fr/monde/la-pauvrete-en-marge-bombe-a-retardement-de-la-guerre-en-colombie-15-05-2018-2218477_24.php
[4] “The elite and political culture remain marked by its practice of exclusion and indifference towards women and their contributions. In Colombian culture, the model of the housewife is well entrenched. In this patriarchal society, the position of women, discriminatory practices of exclusion and abuse against women and inescapable traditional roles and stereotypes are barriers to gender equality”, originally « L’élite et la culture politique restent marquées par sa pratique d’exclusion et d’indifférence à l’égard des femmes et de leurs contributions. Dans la culture colombienne, le modèle de la femme au foyer est bien ancré. Dans cette société patriarcale, la position d’infériorité́ des femmes, les pratiques discriminatoires d’exclusion et de maltraitance à leur encontre et les rôles et les stéréotypes traditionnels incontournables sont autant de barrières à l’égalité des sexes. » p.13
Available at : https://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/Gender-and-the-Role-of-Women-in-Colombia-s-Peace-Process-French_3.pdf
[5] Violaine Pagnol, « Colombie : Machisme et conflit, la spirale infernale », mis en ligne le 1er October 2015, Faim et Développement, n°28. Available at : https://ccfd-terresolidaire.org/nos-publications/fdm/2015/288-juillet-aout-2015/colombie-machisme-et-5176
[6] Santiago TORRADO, « Una oleada de feminicidios enciende la indignación en Colombia », 19 June 2020, El pais, available at : https://elpais.com/sociedad/2020-06-18/una-oleada-de-feminicidios-enciende-la-indignacion-en-colombia.html
[7]Ouafia Kheniche, 2019 : l’année où le féminicide s’est imposé dans la société française, 31 December 2019, France Inter. Available at : https://www.franceinter.fr/societe/2019-l-annee-ou-le-feminicide-s-est-impose-dans-la-societe-francaise
[8] According to the organisation : « Féminicides par compagnon ou ex »
[9] Isabelle Mourgere Terrienne, « Qu’est-ce qu’un féminicide : définition et origines », TV5MONDE, 4 September 2019. Available at : https://information.tv5monde.com/terriennes/qu-est-ce-qu-un-feminicide-definition-et-origines-309677
[10] https://www.genreenaction.net/Le-feminisme-et-la-critique-juridique-en-Colombie.html
[11] Marine Le Breton, « Inscrire le “féminicide” dans le Code pénal, une épineuse question pour les juristes », 3 Septemb
er 2019, Huffington Post. Available at : https://www.huffingtonpost.fr/entry/inscrire-feminicide-code-penal-epineuse-question_fr_5d6ce154e4b09bbc9ef1bcbe#:~:text=Faut%2Dil%20inscrire%20le%20terme%20%22f%C3%A9minicide%22%20dans%20la%20loi%20%3F&text=Mais%20alors%20que%20les%20f%C3%A9minicides,continue%20de%20diviser%20les%20sp%C3%A9cialistes.
[12] Margot Loizillon, « Elle réalise une carte du féminicide en colombie pour en montrer l’étendue », 20 February 2018, Cheek magazine, available at : http://cheekmagazine.fr/societe/sandra-suarez-feminicides-colombie/
[13] https://data.ipu.org/fr/women-ranking?month=6&year=2020
[14] https://data.unwomen.org/country/colombia
[15] In the book Féminisme pour les 99%. A manifesto, by Cinzia Arruzza, Tithi Bhattacharya and Nancy Frazer in 2019 talks about anti-capitalist feminism, a movement that is broader than the idea of simple gender equality and more akin to a class struggle in all fields. Feminism that can be modelled on the experience of contemporary feminism in Colombia.
[16] Olga L González, « Colombie : Processus de paix, subversion du genre et résistances », 2019, L’Ordinaire des Amériques. Available at : http://journals.openedition.org/orda/4638
[17] 1991, 1998 to 2002 and 2012 to 2016
[18] Natalia Villa Jaramillo, L’évolution du rôle des femmes au sein du conflit armé avec les FARC et depuis les Accords de Paix en Colombie : trajectoires de militantes, 2019 [Mémoire]
[19] “19 April Movement”, a guerrilla group mainly present in urban areas with heterodox nationalist and Marxist ideologies.
[20] https://www.amnesty.org/fr/countries/americas/colombia/report-colombia/
[21] Olga L González, « Colombie : Processus de paix, subversion du genre et résistances », L’Ordinaire des Amériques, 2019, Available at : http://journals.openedition.org/orda/4638
[22] Maria Àngela Holguin, María Paulina Riveros and Nigeria Renterí
[23] Olga L González, « Colombie : Processus de paix, subversion du genre et résistances », L’Ordinaire des Amériques, 2019
Sources :
Amnesty, Colombie. Le conflit armé et les violences à l’égard des femmes, 2004. Online : https://www.amnesty.org/fr/countries/americas/colombia/report-colombia/
AFP, « La pauvreté en marge: bombe à retardement de la guerre en Colombie », Le Point, 15 May 2018, Available at : https://www.lepoint.fr/monde/la-pauvrete-en-marge-bombe-a-retardement-de-la-guerre-en-colombie-15-05-2018-2218477_24.php
Cinzia Arruzza, Tithi Bhattacharya et Nancy Frazer, Féminisme pour les 99%. Un manifeste, LA découverte, 2019
Daniel PECAUT, L’Ordre et la violence. Évolution sociopolitique de la Colombie entre 1930 et 1953, EHESS, Recherches d’histoire et de sciences sociales, vol. XXII, Paris, 1987, 488 p. Available at : https://www.persee.fr/doc/rfsoc_0035-2969_1988_num_29_4_2562
Gloria Yaneth Castrillón Pulido. “¿Víctimas o victimarias? El rol de las mujeres en las FARC. Una aproximación desde la teoría de género », OPERA, 2014, 16, pp. 77-95. Available at : https://www.researchgate.net/publication/282454358_Victimas_o_victimarias_El_rol_de_las_mujeres_en_las_FARC_Una_aproximacion_desde_la_teoria_de_genero
Isabelle Mourgere Terrienne, « Qu’est-ce qu’un féminicide : définition et origines », TV5MONDE, 4 September 2019. Available at : https://information.tv5monde.com/terriennes/qu-est-ce-qu-un-feminicide-definition-et-origines-309677
Margot Loizillon, « Elle réalise une carte du féminicide en colombie pour en montrer l’étendue », 20 February 2018, Cheek magazine, available at : http://cheekmagazine.fr/societe/sandra-suarez-feminicides-colombie/
Marine Le Breton, « Inscrire le “féminicide” dans le Code pénal, une épineuse question pour les juristes », 3 September 2019, Huffington Post, available at: https://www.huffingtonpost.fr/entry/inscrire-feminicide-code-penal-epineuse-question_fr_5d6ce154e4b09bbc9ef1bcbe#:~:text=Faut%2Dil%20inscrire%20le%20terme%20%22f%C3%A9minicide%22%20dans%20la%20loi%20%3F&text=Mais%20alors%20que%20les%20f%C3%A9minicides,continue%20de%20diviser%20les%20sp%C3%A9cialistes.
Millán, Márgara. « De la périphérie vers le centre : origines et héritages des féminismes latino-américains », Revue Tiers Monde, vol. 209, no. 1, 2012, pp. 37-52. Available at : https://www.cairn.info/revue-tiers-monde-2012-1-page-37.htm?contenu=article
Natalia Villa Jaramillo, L’évolution du rôle des femmes au sein du conflit armé avec les FARC et depuis les Accords de Paix en Colombie : trajectoires de militantes, 2019. Available at : http://dante.univ-tlse2.fr/8144/1/Natalia.VILLA%20JARAMILLO_master2.pdf
Olga L G
onzález, « Colombie : Processus de paix, subversion du genre et résistances », L’Ordinaire des Amériques, 2019, Available at : http://journals.openedition.org/orda/4638
Ouafia Kheniche, 2019 : l’année où le féminicide s’est imposé dans la société française, 31 December 2019, France Inter. Available at : https://www.franceinter.fr/societe/2019-l-annee-ou-le-feminicide-s-est-impose-dans-la-societe-francaise
Pierre Hupet et Fabio Humberto GIRALDO JIMENEZ, Le conflit colombien acteurs, enjeux et perspectives, 2009, Annuaire français de relations internationales Annuaire français de relations internationales, Vol. 10, p. 827-843. Available at : https://www.afri-ct.org/wp-content/uploads/2010/07/Article_Hupet_et_Giraldo_Himenez.pdf
Violaine Pagnol, « Colombie : Machisme et conflit, la spirale infernale », mis en ligne le 1er octobre 2015, Faim et Développement, n°28, Available at : https://ccfd-terresolidaire.org/nos-publications/fdm/2015/288-juillet-aout-2015/colombie-machisme-et-5176
Santiago TORRADO, « Una oleada de feminicidios enciende la indignación en Colombia », 19 June 2020, El pais, available at : https://elpais.com/sociedad/2020-06-18/una-oleada-de-feminicidios-enciende-la-indignacion-en-colombia.html
Sitography :
https://data.unwomen.org/country/colombia
https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Movimiento_19_de_Abril
https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Conflit_armé_colombien
To quote this article : Emma Rinaudo-Dome, “Women’s role in the Colombian civil war”, 12.07.2020, Gender in Geopolitics Institute.