Temps de lecture : 8 minutes
References
↑1 | United Nations (1995), Beijing Declaration and Platform of Action, adopted at the Fourth World Conference on Women. https://www.refworld.org/docid/3dde04324.html |
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↑2 | United Nations (2000), Questionnaire on implementation of the Beijing Platform for Action and the Outcome of the Twenty-third Special Session of the General Assembly. https://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/Review/responses/REPUBLICofKOREA-English.pdf |
↑3 | Bari, A. (7 octobre 2022). En Corée du Sud, le président Yoon Suk-Yeol menace l’égalité des genres. Vanity Fair. https://www.vanityfair.fr/actualites/article/en-coree-du-sud-le-president-yoon-suk-yeol-veut-supprimer-le-Ministères-de-legalite-des-genres |
↑4 | People power party. (2022). http://www.peoplepowerparty.kr/web/eng/about/introduction.do |
↑5 | Jung, D. (17 octobre 2021). PPP floor leader under fire for objecting to ant-féminisme-discrimination law. The KoreaTimes. https://www.koreatimes.co.kr/www/nation/2021/10/356_317104.html |
↑6 | Kang, J.G. (21 février 2022), « 구조적 성차별 없다 »는 윤석열, 이재명 사과 요구에 « 굳이 답변 필요 없다 ». Hankookilbo. https://www.hankookilbo.com/News/Read/A2022022120540002212 |
↑7 | OCDE (2022), Écart salarial femmes-hommes. https://doi.org/10.1787/b64d7a8e-fr |
↑8 | Gunia, A. (10 mars 2022). How South Korea’s Yoon Suk-yeol Capitalized on ant-féminisme-Feminist Backlash to Win the Presidency. Time. https://time.com/6156537/south-korea-president-yoon-suk-yeol-sexism/ et Kim, H. J. & Lee, C. (2022). The 2022 South Korean Presidential Election and the Gender Divide among the Youth. Pacific Affairs, 95(2), 285‑308. https://doi.org/10.5509/2022952285 |
↑9 | Kim, J. (2021). The resurgence and popularization of Feminism in South Korea : Key issues and challenges for contemporary feminist activism. Korea journal, 61(4), 75‑101. https://doi.org/10.25024/kj.2021.61.4.75 |
↑10 | Kim, J. (2017). #iamafeminist as the “mother tag”: feminist identification and activism against misogyny on Twitter |
↑11 | Shin, Y. & Lee, S. (2022). “Escape the Corset” : How a Movement in South Korea Became a Fashion Statement through Social Media. Sustainability, 14(18), 11609. https://doi.org/10.3390/su141811609 |
↑12 | Human Rights Watch. (2021). My life is not your porn. https://www.hrw.org/report/2021/06/16/my-life-not-your-porn/digital-sex-crimes-south-korea |
↑13 | Lee, C. ( 29 mars 2018). Feminist novel becomes center of controversy in South Korea. The Korea Herald. https://www.koreaherald.com/view.php?ud=20180327000799 |
↑14 | Ibid, Vanity fair. |
↑15 | Ministry of gender equality and family. (2022). http://www.mogef.go.kr/eng/pc/eng_pc_f001.do |
↑16 | Hommel, A. (2019.). Moulding Mothers : Political Motherhood in South Korea between 2007 and 2016 [Thèse de master, université de Séoul]. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/02188791.2019.1607720?journalCode=cape20 |
↑17 | Ibid, note 12 |
↑18 | Ibid, note 15 |
↑19 | Korea Women’s Associations Uni (2018). Concerns and recommendations on the Republic of Korea, 19 February – 9 March 2018. https://tbinternet.ohchr.org/Treaties/CEDAW/Shared%20Documents/KOR/INT_CEDAW_NGO_KOR_30063_E.pdf |
↑20 | Joo, C. N. (2016). Kim Ji Young born 1982 , Minumsa. |
↑21 | Kim, S., Kim, J. H., Park, Y., Kim, S. & Kim, C. Y. (2020). Gender Analysis of COVID-19 Outbreak in South Korea : A Common Challenge and Call for Action. Health Education & ; Behavior, 47(4), 525‑530. https://doi.org/10.1177/1090198120931443 |
↑22 | L’affaire « Nht room » est une affaire de cybercriminalité, où dans des groupes telegram, des utilisateurs ont partagé des vidéos de femmes et de mineures agressées sexuellement et/ou subissant de nombreux sévices. Les créateurs de ces rooms ont eux-mêmes attiré certaines victimes. L’accès à ces rooms était payant. Cette affaire a secoué et secoue encore toute la société sud-coréenne. |
↑23 | Kim, J. H. & Jang, H. ( 30 avril 2020). Is the abolition of MOGEF the right move for korea ? The Kaist Herald. https://herald.kaist.ac.kr/news/articleView.html?idxno=10231 |
↑24 | 머니투데이. ( 30 juillet 2013). 성재기 사망 « 여성부 필요없다 ? » 폐지론 다시 공방. 머니투데이 전체. MTN news. https://news.mt.co.kr/mtview.php?no=2013073019395952978&outlink=1&ref=%3A%2F%2F |
↑25 | Kim, J. H. & Kweon, Y. (2022). Why Do Young Men Oppose Gender Quotas ? Group Threat and Backlash to Legislative Gender Quotas. Legislative Studies Quarterly. https://doi.org/10.1111/lsq.12371 |
↑26 | Kim, S. (2021). Men in their twenties angry at Feminism : Discourse analysis of “Megal and the finger controversy” : 이대남’과 반 페미니즘 담론 :‘메갈 손가락 기호’ 논란을 중심으로. Women’s Literature Research, 1(53), 443‑475. https://doi.org/10.15686/fkl.2021..53.443 |
↑27 | Kim, Y (2022), Résultats du sondage à la sortie des urnes pour l’élection présidentielle de 2022 par sexe et âge, 연합뉴스. https://www.yna.co.kr/view/GYH20220309000900044 |
↑28 | Kim, H. J. & Lee, C. (2022). The 2022 South Korean Presidential Election and the Gender Divide among the Youth. Pacific Affairs, 95(2), 285‑308. https://doi.org/10.5509/2022952285 |
↑29 | Rocca, N. ( août 9 2022). « Le féminisme est un cancer » : La haine des masculinistes en Corée du Sud. Radio France. https://www.radiofrance.fr/franceculture/podcasts/le-reportage-de-la-redaction/le-feminisme-est-un-cancer-l=a-haine-des-masculinistes-en-coree-du-sud-4942382 |