Kurdish Women: Agents of Change in the Struggle for Identity, Equality and Liberation

22.01.2023

Rosário Frada

Situated primarily across Iraq, Iran, Turkey and Syria, the Kurdish population has never enjoyed a distinct legal or political status, becoming increasingly considered the “world’s largest stateless nation^[1]Curtis, F. (2022, March). Understanding combat motivation among Kurdistan’s female fighters. Observatoire International du religieux. … Continue reading”. Although spanning approximately 530,000 km²^[2]Abdallah, A. (2023, August 30). Legal recognition of Kurdish identity in Iraq challenges the nation-state. Centre Français de Recherche sur L’Irak. … Continue reading, and despite the presence of autonomous Kurdish zones in Iraq, Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI), and Syria in the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES), also known as Rojava, the absence of defined borders contributes to the struggle for recognition and self-determination, resulting in fewer legal and political rights. 

Notably, the ongoing movements for the independent state of Kurdistan have been significantly driven by the collective efforts of women. Formally established in 1978, the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) recognised the pivotal role of gender equality in effectively uniting all parts of Kurdistan. As declared by its leader, Abdullah  Öcalan, in 2010, “The freedom of the Kurdish people can be viewed as inseparably bound to women’s freedom^[3]Tank, P. (2017). Kurdish Women in Rojava, Die Welt des Islams, 47(3-4), 404-428. https://doi.org/10.1163/15700607-05734p07”. This underscores a fundamental principle in the reinvention of the PKK ideology – the belief that freedom can only be achieved through the defeat of the patriarchal system^[4]Tas, L., Al-Ali, N., & Kisanak, G. (2016, August 12). Kurdish women’s battle continues against state and patriarchy, says first female co-mayor of Diyarbakir. Open Democracy. … Continue reading. In this way, the emergence of women’s roles in the Kurdish Movement was inspired by the strive for gender equality, which was then further expanded and realised in the Kurdish Movement’s organisational structures by female activists^[5]Merdjanova, I. (2021). The Kurdish women’s movement in Turkey and its struggle for gender justice, Histories, 1(3), 184-198. https://doi.org/10.3390/histories1030018.

In the broader geopolitical context of the Kurdish state-building project in the Middle East, the distinct roles of Kurdish women in reshaping the political landscape^[6]Hussain, S. (2022, March 08). How Kurdish women are transforming and democratising the Middle East. Geneva Centre for Security Policy. … Continue reading merits attention precisely for the multifaceted sides of oppression faced by Kurdish women^[7]Bahzad, L. (n.d.). The power of Kurdish women: A discourse analysis of the Kurdish women’s movement in Rojava. Lunds Universitet. … Continue reading. As posited by Nursel Kilic, representative for the International Representation of the Kurdish Women’s Movement, the Kurdish women’s struggle presents a history of resistance – for identity as ethnic women, and for emancipation^[8]Karaman, S., & Ghorbani, M. (2015, August 10). The struggle of Kurdish women human rights defenders continues in Iraq, Turkey, Syria. Awid. … Continue reading. Kurdish women confront multifaceted oppression, making their participation in the Middle East’s political landscape and quest for equality significant. Essentially, the Kurdish women’s movement is engaged in a long-term process of transforming society by putting the “Kurdish question^[9]Hussain, S. (2022, March 08). How Kurdish women are transforming and democratising the Middle East. Geneva Centre for Security Policy. … Continue reading” and women’s rights issues on the international agenda. 

This prompts the following questions: through their multiple experiences, how have Kurdish women found themselves faced with numerous challenges often rooted in the patriarchal system? In what ways have they resisted patriarchy in the Middle East through agency that goes beyond gendered engagement? 

While Kurdish women have only recently become a subject of scholarly inquiry in the West, this article seeks to move beyond monolithic and over simplistic discourses glorifying women’s roles within the Kurdish political movement^[10]Bengio, O. (2016). Game changers: Kurdish women in peace and war, Middle East Journal, 70(1), 30-46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/70.1.12. Instead, it aims to acknowledge the multidimensional struggle faced by Kurdish women when combatting unequal gender practices and fighting for an independent Kurdistan – a struggle demanding strength, commitment and self-sacrifice. This way, this article demonstrates the agency behind Kurdish women’s engagement in state-building and the ideology that motivates their resistance to patriarchy in the Middle East. 

Navigating Gender Norms, Struggles for Autonomy, and the Dilemma of Sacrificed Rights

Even though Kurdistan has not yet achieved sovereignty, women have taken active and important roles from the inception of the Kurdish political movement in Turkey^[11]Bengio, O. (2016). Game changers: Kurdish women in peace and war, Middle East Journal, 70(1), 30-46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/70.1.12. Estranged and marginalised by the Kemalist modernisation project in Turkey, Kurdish women initially became politicised in leftist movements during the 1970s, followed by a broader mobilisation through the PKK in the later half of the 1980s and throughout the 1990s.This evolution in their involvement is indicative of Kurdish women strategically aligning themselves with political movements that advocate for Kurdish independence. Their participation not only challenged traditional gender norms but positioned them as active contributors to the broader cause of establishing the independent state of Kurdistan. The transformation from leftist movements to the PKK signifies a conscious effort by Kurdish women to align their activism with organisations at the forefront of the struggle for Kurdish self-determination. 

From the 1980s onwards, the Kurdish political movement successfully mobilised a greater number of women for protests, with a significant number from a range of socioeconomic backgrounds enlisting for active combat in pursuit of national liberation. Women played pivotal roles as organisers of meetings, participants in mass protests, and combatants, marking a transformative period in their involvement. Their multifaceted roles during this period highlighted the intersectionality of their activism, where the pursuit of gender equality became intertwined with the broader struggle for national liberation. In doing so, Kurdish women reshaped the narrative of their political activism, challenging the conventional dichotomy between political and gender-based struggles. 

However, women’s rights were sacrificed for the sake of general political and national aims; the slogan was to first have a revolution and then improve women’s rights and gender equality^[12]Tas, L., Al-Ali, N., & Kisanak, G. (2016, August 12). Kurdish women’s battle continues against state and patriarchy, says first female co-mayor of Diyarbakir. Open Democracy. … Continue reading. This ideology was not only part of Kurdish independence movements, but was followed by Turkish and other leftist and democratic groups who desired a change in their countries’ regime^[13]Tas, L., Al-Ali, N., & Kisanak, G. (2016, August 12). Kurdish women’s battle continues against state and patriarchy, says first female co-mayor of Diyarbakir. Open Democracy. … Continue reading. Subsequently, only a few women were offered higher-ranking positions in the PKK’s movement to unite all parts of Kurdistan, and after achieving political objectives, they were quickly forced back into conventional gendered roles^[14]Tas, L., Al-Ali, N., & Kisanak, G. (2016, August 12). Kurdish women’s battle continues against state and patriarchy, says first female co-mayor of Diyarbakir. Open Democracy. … Continue reading. This implies that positions of responsibility were only symbolically attributed to women.

In fact, women found themselves compelled to adopt a “tough male face^[15]Tas, L., Al-Ali, N., & Kisanak, G. (2016, August 12). Kurdish women’s battle continues against state and patriarchy, says first female co-mayor of Diyarbakir. Open Democracy. … Continue reading”, becoming perceived as sexless combatants and activists, and trust in them for leadership positions was conditional on their unwavering loyalty to the homeland, discouraging any other form of relationship as a potential risk to the struggle. The control of sexual desire became a central tenet of the Kurdish political movement, transforming women’s sexuality into a taboo. Associating success in political aims with a “tough male face” reinforced patriarchal structures, lacking a genuine focus on women’s rights. This complex dynamic reflects the intricate balance Kurdish women had to navigate between conforming to established gender roles to gain trust and challenging these very roles to assert their agency. The taboo around women’s sexuality, while a product of strategic considerations within the movement, also underscores the challenges Kurdish women faced in fully asserting their autonomy within a politically charged environment. 

Kurdish Women’s Liberation Struggle: Shaping Political Ideologies, Rethinking Power Dynamics, and Engaging in the Diaspora

As the importance of women’s rights emerged internationally in the 1980s and 1990s, Kurdish women dynamically began challenging not only the state and regime but the deeply ingrained patriarchal structures hindering their progress^[16]Tas, L., Al-Ali, N., & Kisanak, G. (2016, August 12). Kurdish women’s battle continues against state and patriarchy, says first female co-mayor of Diyarbakir. Open Democracy. … Continue reading. Their recognition that enduring change requires the integral inclusion of women’s rights within political movements demonstrates a strategic vision aimed at reshaping the foundation of political ideologies and patriarchal structures. For Kurdish women, the quest for democratic rights became a powerful catalyst, particularly in their pursuit of an independent state of Kurdistan. By intertwining the struggle for gender equality with the broader quest for Kurdistan’s independence, these women position themselves not merely as beneficiaries but as architects of a new political order. 

In this evolving landscape, Kurdish women began to assume pivotal roles by not only establishing their own branches but crafting alternative policies both at political and social level despite the resistance presented by male comrades in male-dominated societies^[17]Tas, L., Al-Ali, N., & Kisanak, G. (2016, August 12). Kurdish women’s battle continues against state and patriarchy, says first female co-mayor of Diyarbakir. Open Democracy. … Continue reading. Given the Turkish state’s efforts to oppress the Kurds in the 1990s, which translated into the brutal killing, torture and arrest of several Kurdish people, Kurdish women still organised and led many demonstrations against state brutality in villages and towns^[18]Tas, L., Al-Ali, N., & Kisanak, G. (2016, August 12). Kurdish women’s battle continues against state and patriarchy, says first female co-mayor of Diyarbakir. Open Democracy. … Continue reading. They also invested in an organisational restructuring aimed at profoundly recalibrating the power dynamics and ideological foundations within the independence movement^[19]Tas, L., Al-Ali, N., & Kisanak, G. (2016, August 12). Kurdish women’s battle continues against state and patriarchy, says first female co-mayor of Diyarbakir. Open Democracy. … Continue reading. Their desire to fight for gender equality and its subsequent freedom presented a shift towards self-trust, where Kurdish women did not simply follow established policies but took part in creating new policies. Their resilience in the face of resistance from male comrades in male-dominated societies is indicative of a broader struggle – both against external oppressors and within the confines of their own communities. 

Colonel Nahida Rashid’s groundbreaking creation of the first women-led Peshmerga unit in 1996, which constituted an autonomous political body comprising the military of the Kurdistan region, became an official part of the Kurdistan region’s political party, the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), reverberates far beyond its numerical significance and extends beyond military mobilisation^[20]Tas, L., Al-Ali, N., & Kisanak, G. (2016, August 12). Kurdish women’s battle continues against state and patriarchy, says first female co-mayor of Diyarbakir. Open Democracy. … Continue reading. Despite only comprising five women who fought against the Iraqi army in Chamchamal (northern Iraq) in 1996, it challenged gendered societal and familial expectations. At the time, widespread resistance existed among society and families of prospective recruits to the idea of women becoming soldiers, with fiancés saying they would not marry their wives if they were to become soldiers^[21]Nilsson, M. (2018). Mothers in ground combat against the Islamic state, Armed Forces & Society, 44(2), 261-279. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327X17699568. 

The Kurdish diaspora also became a dynamic arena where Kurdish women engaged in multifaceted resistance^[22]Bengio, O., & Maddy-Weitzman, B. (2013). Mobilised diasporas: Kurdish and Berbeer movements in comparative perspective, Kurdish Studies, 1(1), 65-90, http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v1i1.386. Female intellectuals and activists frame their struggles around resisting the national oppression of the Kurds, freedom from male violence, and combating racism, underscoring the intricate layers of the struggle^[23]Mojab, S., & Gorman, R. (2007). Dispersed nationalism: War, diaspora and Kurdish women’s organising, Journal of Middle East Women’s Studies, 3(1), 58-85, … Continue reading. In the 1990s, for instance, four magazines were published in the diaspora that dealt with the struggle for women’s rights and the foundation of the International Kurdish Women’s Studies network was created by a Kurdish female figure, which represented the first association to include women from all parts of Kurdistan^[24]Bengio, O. (2016). Game changers: Kurdish women in peace and war, Middle East Journal, 70(1), 30-46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/70.1.12. In 2004, the “Charter for Rights and Freedom of Women in the Kurdish Regions and the Diaspora” was also launched urging the elimination of discrimination against women in private and political life and the full participation of Kurdish women in political, economic, educational, cultural and all other fields, and the implementation of women’s rights irrespective of their religious, political or other beliefs^[25]Kurdish Women’s Project & Kurdish Human Rights’ Project. (n.d.). The Charter for Rights and Freedom of Women in the Kurdish Regions and the Diaspora. … Continue reading. Envisaged to continue as a living document responding to needs as they arise, this Charter was published by the Kurdish Women’s Project and Kurdish Human Rights Project, and is particularly important as it reflects a commitment to the transnational struggle for women’s rights^[26]Bengio, O. (2016). Game changers: Kurdish women in peace and war, Middle East Journal, 70(1), 30-46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/70.1.12. 

As Kurdish women emerged as influential figures in diplomatic roles and leadership positions, they contributed to redefining power structures within the diaspora and the broader Kurdish movement while simultaneously asserting at the international level the significance of women in advancing human rights. For example, Bayan Sami ‘Abdul Rahman, who has lived in the United Kingdom since 1976, became the representative of Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) – governing body of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq under the Iraqi Constitution -, to that country and now is the government’s representative to the United States^[27]Bengio, O. (2016). Game changers: Kurdish women in peace and war, Middle East Journal, 70(1), 30-46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/70.1.12. Another woman, Sinam Muhammad, who lived in Saudi Arabia for 20 years is now the representative of the Democratic Autonomous Administration of Rojava in Europe^[28]Ismael, Y. (2016, July 05). Interview with Sinem Mohammed, the representative of the Democratic Autonomous Administration of Rojava in Europe. Washington Kurdish Institute. … Continue reading. Clearly, gender relations and women’s liberation emerged as the constructing paradigm of the Kurdish movement throughout the 1990s, becoming pivotal for the international understanding of the Kurdish women’s struggles and their approach to gender equality and Kurdish liberation^[29]Gülan, F. (2021). La Jineolojî, une science révoluntionnaire pensée par les femmes. Ritimo. https://www.ritimo.org/La-Jineoloji-une-science-revolutionnaire-pensee-par-les-femmes. 

Artistic and Linguistic Resistance in Kurdish Women’s Struggle for Recognition 

In the intricate tapestry of Kurdish women’s experiences, the fusion of art and activism has emerged as a dynamic form of resistance against patriarchal structures in the Middle East. The emerging combination of these two elements has resulted in a powerful medium for the women of Kurdistan to tell their stories and preserve the collective spirit of an occupied stateless people, with cultural creation becoming a form of resistance and an act of self-affirmation within the patriarchal systems of the Middle East^[30]Hussain, S. (2022, August 04). Armed with paintbrushes: Kurdish female artists fighting for equality. Washington Institute. … Continue reading. Zehgra Dogan’s imprisonment for depicting Turkey’s destruction of Nusaybin reveals the layers of suppression faced by Kurdish women artists challenging the status quo. During her sentencing, the court accused her of working with the PKK and “overstepping the limits of art^[31]Hussain, S. (2022, August 04). Armed with paintbrushes: Kurdish female artists fighting for equality. Washington Institute. … Continue reading”. Nevertheless, her persistence in creating art within the confines of a Turkish prison, using unconventional materials as canvases, represents not only defiance but a profound commitment to preserving the Kurdish historical narrative. As she claims, not doing so would allow the struggle of Kurdish women into amnesia, oblivion and non-existence^[32]Hussain, S. (2022, August 04). Armed with paintbrushes: Kurdish female artists fighting for equality. Washington Institute. … Continue reading. Artistic women from the Kurdish diaspora are also fighting for autonomy and recognition through their work, recastins old stories of Kurdish folklore and poetry, portraying the timelessness of the struggle of Kurdish women across generations, and fighting against the absence of female-led creative work in Kurdish society^[33]Hussain, S. (2022, August 04). Armed with paintbrushes: Kurdish female artists fighting for equality. Washington Institute. … Continue reading.

Beyond the realm of art, Kurdish women engaging in language revitalisation navigate a complex landscape of state restrictions on the Kurdish language, as imposed by Turkey, Syria, Iran and Iraq^[34]Bochenska, J., Hamelink, W., Salih, K. & Keskin, H. (2023). Small circles of empowerment: Kurdish women claiming citizen rights and agency through language revitalisation, International Journal … Continue reading. This linguistic activism goes beyond a mere response to linguistic suppression, representing a holistic resistance strategy. By revitalising their language, Kurdish women not only resist erasure but engage in a transformative process that challenges entrenched patriarchal norms by allowing them to reinterpret and challenge many derogatory attitudes about their identity^[35]Bochenska, J., Hamelink, W., Salih, K. & Keskin, H. (2023). Small circles of empowerment: Kurdish women claiming citizen rights and agency through language revitalisation, International Journal … Continue reading. The act of reclaiming agency over their identity through language revitalisation becomes a multifaceted endeavour, influencing not only linguistic preservation but reshaping societal attitudes toward gender roles. The resulting self-defining way of life is a profound assertion of Kruish women’s agency, transforming language revitalisation into a form of cultural and political resistance. This linguistic activism serves as a powerful intervention into the patriarchal fabric, illustrating how Kurdish women strategically navigate and subvert systemic challenges at the intersection of language, identity and societal roles. Indeed, the creation of this alternative space for liberation is especially important as it seeks to empower not only Kurdish women, but uneducated people, becoming an act of citizenship that challenges the role of women in private and public spaces^[36]Bochenska, J., Hamelink, W., Salih, K. & Keskin, H. (2023). Small circles of empowerment: Kurdish women claiming citizen rights and agency through language revitalisation, International Journal … Continue reading. 

Kurdish Women in Armed Conflict: Challenging Gender Norms and Redefining Roles

In stark contrast to the prevalence of violent religious groups, nationalist movements have historically witnessed a substantial participation of women. Notably, the Yekîneyên Parastina Jin (YPJ), an all-female Kurdish-led militia was established in 2013 and created an opportunity for women to fight and protect their territory against numerous groups, including the Islamic State (ISIS), which is conventionally perceived as a male role, and to pushback against and raise awareness of gender inequality and violence^[37]Flock, E. (2021, July 19). “Now I’ve a purpose”: why more Kurdish women are choosing to fight. The Guardian. … Continue reading. Affiliated with the Partiya Yekîtiya Demokrat (PYD), which is Syria’s Democratic Union Party and sister organisation of the PKK, the engagement of Kurdish women in armed forces, constituting over a third of all Kurdish combatants, has played a significant role in shaping the narrative or Kurdish women’s agency beyond traditional gendered roles and in fighting back against the Bashar al-Assad regime, which not only did not recognise the Kurds’ independence, but restricted the role of women in society^[38]Momi, R. (2021, December 05). The women’s protection units: all female armed forces. Grey Dynamics. https://greydynamics.com/the-womens-protection-units-all-female-armed-forces/. Although having solely mobilised international attention for their pivotal role in countering ISIS during the siege in Kobanî in Rojava, the YPJ’s stance in relation to gender equality extends beyond the military and must be further investigated. Importantly, the fight against Turkish government’s aim to restrict Kurdish rights and freedoms has also been claimed as a reason to maintain the YPJ, given the lack of gender equality in the country, and the subsequent need to battle against such mentality^[39]Flock, E. (2021, July 19). “Now I’ve a purpose”: why more Kurdish women are choosing to fight. The Guardian. … Continue reading.

The YPJ’s ideological foundation, rooted in Jineology – a form of feminism and gender equality advocated by Öcalan -, represents a distinctive Kurdish feminism that places the liberation of both women and men at the core of a democratic confederalist society and emphasises intersectionality, transcending simplistic gender binaries to offer a comprehensive understanding of the intersections of gender, ethnicity, and political activism. This permeates the training that YPJ members receive, which is not only physical, but covers philosophy and the history of feminism, having as ultimate goal to empower women and give them enough confidence to make their decisions independently without male influence^[40]Momi, R. (2021, December 05). The women’s protection units: all female armed forces. Grey Dynamics. https://greydynamics.com/the-womens-protection-units-all-female-armed-forces/. As Newroz Ahmed, general commander of the YPJ, claims, “Our aim is not just to have her hold her gun, but to be aware^[41]Flock, E. (2021, July 19). “Now I’ve a purpose”: why more Kurdish women are choosing to fight. The Guardian. … Continue reading”. Implicitly, joining the YPJ is not only about joining combat, but adopting a new life which encompasses talking about women’s rights while preparing for the battlefield. In fact, YPJ banners in local strongholds proclaimed, “We will defeat the attacks of ISIS by guaranteeing the freedom of women in the Middle East”, making evident that  the YPJ’s confrontation with ISIS is not confined to a military battlefield; it became a symbolic resistance against entrenched patriarchal ideologies, becoming a powerful narrative in the broader struggle for gender equality and Kurdish independence. Hence, the YPJ did not only fight against ISIS, but fought for feminism and gender equality – and they did so with “ideas and bullets alike^[42]Begikhani, N., Hamelink, W., & Weiss, N. (n.d.). Theorising women and war in Kurdistan: A feminist and critical perspective. The Consortium on Gender, Security and Human Rights. … Continue reading”.

According to researcher Marco Nilsson, Kurdish women view their participation in combat operations as an opportunity to enhance their agency and advance gender equality. Seeking a balance between their identities as mothers and professional soldiers, they strive to redefine women’s roles without aspiring to become “honorary men”. This way, their participation in the YPJ becomes a transformative opportunity to redefine societal perceptions, establishing a new paradigm that transcends binary expectations of gender roles. As a female fighter explained, “The YPJ has broken down the stereotypes and subsequently women have said “we do not belong only to the kitchen, to the home, to men for childbirth, we too exist in all spheres of this society^[43]Jaresand, W. & Nilsson, M. (2022). Female combat commanders of the YPJ and political agency – framing the fight on their own terms, Critical Military Studies, 9(4), 532,550, … Continue reading””. However, the fact that the YPJ no longer accepts married women due to the perceived intensity of balancing military duties and family responsibilities adds a layer of complexity to the narrative^[44]Flock, E. (2021, July 19). “Now I’ve a purpose”: why more Kurdish women are choosing to fight. The Guardian. … Continue reading. It reflects the practical challenges faced by women in attempting to reconcile their roles as fighters and caregivers and prompts further examination of the systemic and structural barriers that may hinder the full realisation of gender equality, even in contexts where women actively challenge traditional norms. The fact that women are not allowed to make the decision on reconciling their roles by themselves seems to contradict the YPJ’s ideology and pose threats to the advances on gender equality that it has achieved.

Reshaping Roles and Rescuing Survivors: The Complex Battle for Yazidi Liberation

The YPJ’s endeavours to liberate the Yazidis, a majority-Kurdish-speaking religious group living mostly in northern Iraq who have been persecuted as infidels by Muslim rulers and who became targets of mass rape and enslavement by ISIS fighters, introduce a nuanced layer to the gender dynamics within the group^[45]Otten, C. (2017, July 25). Slaves of Isis: the long walk of the Yazidi women. The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/jul/25/slaves-of-isis-the-long-walk-of-the-yazidi-women. The widespread sexual violence perpetrated against the Yazidi population has been identified as both an individual motivation for Kurdish women to join the YPJ and a structural imperative for the necessity of an all-female armed group arising from the specific nature of the war crimes committed^[46]Küçük, B. & Özselçuk, C. (2016). The Rojava experience: possibilities and challenges of building a democratic life, South Atlantic Quarterly, 115(1), 184-196. … Continue reading. Subsequently, the idea of Kurdish women taking up arms to protect fellow Kurdish women marks a departure from the heavily criticised Orientalist discourse of Western saviourism: “White men saving brown women from brown men^[47]Spivak. G. (1999). A critique of postcolonial reason. Harvard University Press.”, allowing women from the region to instead become central agents in shaping the conflict. 

Indeed, in 2022, the YPJ rescued a Yazidi survivor from al-Hol camp^[48]Bechocha, J. (2022, September 13). Kurdish forces free another Yazidi woman from al-Hol. Rudaw. https://www.rudaw.net/english/middleeast/syria/130920221 and helped a young Yazidi girl reunite with her family in 2023 after being held nine years in captivity by ISIS militants^[49]Young Yazidi girl saved by YPJ to be reunited with her family. (2023, September 30). ANF News. … Continue reading. By actively engaging in rescue operations and aiding the reunification of families torn apart by ISIS militants, the YPJ exemplifies a holistic approach to addressing the aftermath of conflict, emphasising the importance of women’s agency in shaping both military and humanitarian aspects of the struggle. This multifaceted involvement serves as a powerful counterpoint to prevailing stereotypes and contributes to a more nuanced understanding of gender dynamics in conflict zones. Moreover, the fact that YPJ Spokesperson Rûksan Mihemed has officially honoured the fact that the Yazidi community “remained loyal to their principle and religion despite the genocide^[50]Young Yazidi girl saved by YPJ to be reunited with her family. (2023, September 30). ANF News. … Continue reading” and promised all Yazidis that their rights will be fought for, demonstrates the intersectionality of the conflict by specifically addressing the plight of Yazidi women^[51]Young Yazidi girl saved by YPJ to be reunited with her family. (2023, September 30). ANF News. … Continue reading. This recognises the unique challenges faced by different groups within the broader Kurdish population while simultaneously contributing to reshaping the narrative surrounding conflict resolution, highlighting the importance of inclusivity, agency and a comprehensive understanding of the diverse experiences within affected communities.  

Importantly, the discussion of victimhood and liberation from patriarchal structures may create undesired ambiguity. The term “victim” is increasingly associated with passivity and has thus been replaced by “survivor^[52]Nadia’s Initiative. (n.d.). https://www.nadiasinitiative.org/nadia-murad” in international discourses by people such as Nadia Murad, a leading Yazidi human rights activist. Shifting the advocacy paradigm to one focusing on empowering survivors and achieving gender justice may in itself be a display of agency. Subsequently, the Kurdish women of the YPJ may be seen as not only saving themselves from violence, but as reshaping societal perceptions towards women altogether, catalysing broader social change and allowing women to reshape their lives and the future direction of their societies.  

Feminist Leadership: Kurdish Women’s Impact on Governance Models in the Middle East

The ascent of Kurdish women has showcased their capabilities as formidable political actors proficient in both defending themselves on the battlefield, challenging authoritarianism and steering organisational endeavours, all while contending with the looming threats of arrest and torture. This tenacity has resulted in the gradual permeation of their feminism into the broader society and region, fostering alternative governance models centred on democracy, gender equality, community organising and respect for diverse identities^[53]Karaman, S., & Ghorbani, M. (2015, August 10). The struggle of Kurdish women human rights defenders continues in Iraq, Turkey, Syria. Awid. … Continue reading. 

Examining the KRI in contrast to the rest of Iraq provides a stark illustration of the impact of Kurdish women’s activism, which exhibits a comparatively higher level of gender equality than the rest of the country, especially in legal terms. Indeed, the KRI’s laws align more closely, though not entirely, with the principles of the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) than at national level, with Iraq lagging behind^[54]Kaya, Z. (2018, January 05). Gender equality in Iraq and Iraqi Kurdistan. LSE Blog. https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/mec/2018/01/05/gender-equality-in-iraq-and-iraqi-kurdistan/. Upon ratifying CEDAW in 1986, Iraq submitted several reservations and failed to modify all Iraqi laws, legislations, regulations and practices that discriminate against women. Perhaps as a way to regain sovereignty and affirm their culture and religion, the new Constitution of Iraq, adopted in 2005, cites Islam as the basic source of legislation and allows each religious group to govern their own personal status matters, meaning that rules related to marriage, divorce, punishment of gender-based violence, adultery and rights over children vary based on the interpretation of Islam by each community^[55]Kaya, Z. (2018, January 05). Gender equality in Iraq and Iraqi Kurdistan. LSE Blog. https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/mec/2018/01/05/gender-equality-in-iraq-and-iraqi-kurdistan/. Consequently, the KRI has taken steps to limit polygamy, enact laws against domestic violence, and prohibit female genital mutilation^[56]Kaya, Z. (2018, January 05). Gender equality in Iraq and Iraqi Kurdistan. LSE Blog. https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/mec/2018/01/05/gender-equality-in-iraq-and-iraqi-kurdistan/. The Kurdish government also made progress in the policy field, establishing new institutional bodies to address women’s issues and support gender mainstreaming in policy-making, and expanded women’s access to justice by establishing domestic violence courts in all three Kurdish governorates.

Turning attention to Kurdish areas of Syria – now officially called the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria -, women hold 50% of all official positions, indicating a commitment to gender inclusivity^[57]Hussain, S. (2022, March 08). How Kurdish women are transforming and democratising the Middle East. Geneva Centre for Security Policy. … Continue reading. Alongside gender, policies safeguarding the participation of ethnic minorities in decision-making processes further underscore the Kurd’s commitment to diversity; even in majority-Kurdish cities, representatives of the Armenian, Assyrian, Circassian, Turkmen and Arab communities have a role in reaching decisions^[58]Hussain, S. (2022, March 08). How Kurdish women are transforming and democratising the Middle East. Geneva Centre for Security Policy. … Continue reading. The YPJ’s interventions in Syria also extend beyond combat, making child marriage illegal, prohibiting men from having multiple wives, and providing avenues for women to report abuse and seek criminal penalties for perpetrators^[59]Hussain, S. (2022, March 08). How Kurdish women are transforming and democratising the Middle East. Geneva Centre for Security Policy. … Continue reading. 

Resilience Amidst Oppression: The Dual Struggle of Kurdish Women Across the Middle East 

Despite progress, critiques persist regarding the persistence of patriarchal elements in Kurdish communities. While women in Kurdistan are increasingly educated ad active in the workforce, some claim that Kurds still lack knowledge on what inclusivity means as women are yet to occupy CEO, Directory and Ministry positions^[60]Women key to achieving gender equality in Kurdistan. (2019, January 20). Rudaw. https://www.rudaw.net/english/opinion/20012019-amp. While in the Autonomous Region of Kurdistan, Iraq, the 2011 Family Law offers statutory protection against gender-based violence, including female genital cutting, the law also grants husbands the right to punish their wives, and rapists can even escape prosecution if they marry the woman they committed violence against^[61]Women key to achieving gender equality in Kurdistan. (2019, January 20). Rudaw. https://www.rudaw.net/english/opinion/20012019-amp. High rates of female suicide and lack of adequate investigation for gender-based justice^[62]Kurdish women in culture. (n.d.). The Kurdish Project. https://thekurdishproject.org/history-and-culture/kurdish-women/kurdish-women-in-culture/, insufficient access to education and employment, and overall disparities in quality of life persist, create layers of oppression that hinder the formation of a cohesive Kurdish women’s movement^[63]Karaman, S., & Ghorbani, M. (2015, August 10). The struggle of Kurdish women human rights defenders continues in Iraq, Turkey, Syria. Awid. … Continue reading. Even as activists emerge to challenge the economic, social and political status quo in southern Kurdistan, the multifaceted challenges facing Kurdish women remain a complex tapestry of progress and setbacks^[64]Karaman, S., & Ghorbani, M. (2015, August 10). The struggle of Kurdish women human rights defenders continues in Iraq, Turkey, Syria. Awid. … Continue reading.

Beyond the Kurdish community, Kurdish women grapple with multilayered discrimination in several Middle Eastern countries including Iran, where Kurds represent the largest oppressed group^[65]Bajec, A. (2022, October 06). The double discrimination faced by Kurdish women in Iran. The New Arab. https://www.newarab.com/analysis/double-discrimination-faced-kurdish-women-iran. The death of the Iranian Kurd Jina ‘Mahsa’ Amini at the hands of the Iran’s morality police in 2022 sparked nationwide and international protests and put a spotlight on the plight of Iran’s long-oppressed Kurdish minority^[66]Bajec, A. (2022, October 06). The double discrimination faced by Kurdish women in Iran. The New Arab. https://www.newarab.com/analysis/double-discrimination-faced-kurdish-women-iran. Kurdish women face double oppression in Iran: as women facing a theocratic and male-dominated regime and as Kurds who are discriminated against in everyday life, epitomising the intersection of gender and ethnicity. Simultaneously, Kurdish women represent a double threat to the patriarchal regime, as they resist policies of both misogynistic and nationalist oppression. This unique positionality has elevated both Kurdish identity and women’s rights to central components of the protest movement, with streets echoing revolutionary Kurdish chants of “Women, life and freedom”, underscoring the interconnected struggle faced by Kurdish women under the Iranian regime. 

Similarly, on July 20, 2015, the international community was shaken by the murder of 31 civil society activists in the predominantly Kurdish city of Suruç in Turkey^[67]Karaman, S., & Ghorbani, M. (2015, August 10). The struggle of Kurdish women human rights defenders continues in Iraq, Turkey, Syria. Awid. … Continue reading. While attributed to ISIS, suspicions linger regarding the Turkish state’s complicity in the attack to suppress peaceful advocacy for the Kurdish minority^[68]Karaman, S., & Ghorbani, M. (2015, August 10). The struggle of Kurdish women human rights defenders continues in Iraq, Turkey, Syria. Awid. … Continue reading. The Turkish government’s efforts to repress the Kurdish movement has transcended its borders, influencing tech companies to censor or shut down accounts supportive of the Kurdish liberation movement^[69]Özbek, A. & Genc, E. (2023, September 21). The Kurdish women’s movement and Turkey’s transnational “feminicide”. MERIP.  https://merip.org/2023/09/the-kurdish-womens-movement. The broader political context, marked by a lack of financial and technical support, exacerbates the challenges faced by Kurdish women advocating for human rights in the region. The incidents in both Iran and Turkey underscore the intricate intersection of gender, ethnicity and political activism, highlighting the resilience and ongoing struggle of Kurdish women against systemic and patriarchal oppression.

To quote this article : Rosário Frada. (2024). Kurdish Women: Agents of Change in the Struggle for Identity, Equality and Liberation. Gender in Geopolitics Institute. https://igg-geo.org/?p=17912&lang=en

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