On the Model of Northern Ireland’s Peace Process, Women Can Be the Key to Negotiating Peace Between Israel and Palestine

12/03/2024

Anna Franco

Women can be peacebuilders, and there is proof. As US researchers Caprioli and Boyer claim, “women work for peace, and men wage war^[1]Caprioli, M., & Boyer, M. A. (2001). Gender, Violence, and International Crisis. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 45(4), 503-518. https://doi.org/10.1177/0022002701045004005”. Female security sector officials frequently have access to populations and venues that are closed to men, which allows them to gather intelligence about potential security risks. At the same time, research from a variety of fields shows that on average women are more likely to be perceived by fellow citizens as members of society that can be trusted. Hence, when women’s groups are not involved in peace talks or have little influence on the process, the chance of reaching an agreement is considerably lower^[2]O’Reilly, M., Su’lleabha’in, A. Ó., & Paffenholz, T. (2015). Women’s Impact on Peace Processes. In Reimagining Peacemaking: Women’s Roles in Peace Processes (pp. 9–13). International … Continue reading.

A particular case study has been getting much attention in peacebuilding history, representing a unique example of democracy applied to conflict resolution. The female contribution to the Good Friday Agreements (GFA), signed in Belfast in 1998, is also recognised at the international level. It brought the election of a women’s political party to the peace table and the adoption of robust human rights and equality instruments in the final peace agreement. Getting back to the Conciliation Resources position, the GFA established a power-sharing government and paved the way for paramilitary groups to lay down their weapons and pursue their aims through a political process^[3]Learning from the Good Friday Agreement (April 2023), Conciliation resources, https://www.c-r.org/news-and-insight/learning-good-friday-agreement . As a matter of fact, beyond the election of a commission for the draft of the Peace Agreements, two referenda, both North and South of the borders, were consequently held to endorse legitimacy. Granting inclusion, thus involving civil society organisations, indigenous communities, women and young people – i.e. the whole population – in the peace process, the Belfast agreement proved to be a long-term effective solution.

Acknowledging this, a similar line has been proposed to solve other conflicts worldwide and this article highlights how “lessons learned” from GFA could be applied to the actual conflict in the Gaza Strip. In fact, this article will compare Northern Ireland’s conflict and successive peace accords with the Palestine crisis and failed peace attempts, as many scholars and researchers have long been trying to understand the key to solving the Palestinian struggle.

Although Ireland and Palestine appear completely different, many labels make the two countries “sisters” and facilitate the same practices for peace negotiation processes. Northern Ireland has been fighting for its independence from British influence for a long time, while on the other side, Israel was created on a British diplomat’s proposal, adding fuel to the colonization issues. Catholics and Protestants stood against each other in the side clashes of Northern Ireland, meanwhile religion – Islam and Judaism – is often used as a scapegoat for the conflict’s reason in Palestine. In Northern Ireland and even in Palestine nationalist terrorist organisations emerged and national armies from neighbouring countries were involved in the civic wars. Both conflicts raised international interests and engagement for the cause. Finally, Ireland, Israel and Palestine have prominent women’s movements set up with the scope of peace setting.

After a brief introduction of the topic and the parallels between the two countries, focus will be put on the case studies: Northern Ireland and Palestine. Although women have been gaining little by little something in their path towards full participation in peacekeeping, Northern Ireland women’s groups have succeeded in their scope, while Palestinian women’s associations have been silenced. In the following paragraphs, you will spur that since 1998 Northern Ireland has calmed down, while Palestine has been gathering further democratic attacks, failed resolutions and other fragmentations and instabilities. Therefore: is the peace system wrong or the national political decision-making? Is the GFA model of public involvement – through civil society representation and referenda – the key to peacemaking? Is it replicable in other conflict situations? Are the governments avoiding women’s participation in peace talks, hence continuously failing to grant long-lasting peace?

The Path to Equality: women’s journey in peace talks through civil rights movements and terrorism

One of the hardest targets to achieve under the Sustainable Development Goals is 5.5, “ensure women’s full and effective participation and equal opportunities for leadership at all levels of decision-making in political, economic, and public life”. Women’s inclusion in politics and international relations is still discussed. The path signed many important steps, relevant to mention the 1995 Beijing conference and the 2000 UNSCR 1325. The United Nations recommendation on Women, Peace and Security, in particular, mandated the inclusion of women’s participation in conflict resolution and peacebuilding, including support of local women’s peace initiatives. For instance, in the 1998 Belfast Agreement, signatories affirmed their commitment to specific rights, including equal opportunity regardless of gender, and the right of women to full and equal political participation^[4]Orme S. (2021). CEDAW and the Istanbul Convention: A comparative view on transposition and implementation in domestic law and practice, Northern Ireland Assembly, Research and Information Service … Continue reading.

But already back in the late 1970s, at precisely the moment when public opinion and parliamentary debate came close to feminism as a force to be reckoned with, worldwide feminist coalitions disintegrated over difficult questions of how to relate to the state, the law, and political parties, without compromising oneself or being co-opted by other actors. A second wave of feminists was born, rising in a period of tumultuous crises like the economic one, international terrorism eruption and globalisation. From this point originated today’s women’s rights movements, which continue combating for gender equality and representation, but even wider scopes, like peace. “Women identify security as a holistic concept which cannot be approached purely in terms of conventional concerns, such as armed conflict and crime. Therefore, there must be recognition of the need to eliminate discrimination against women in all areas of life as well as the need to ensure women’s equal participation at all levels of policymaking and provision^[5]Ward M., From negotiation of the peace to implementation of the peace agreement: a gender analysis of the Northern Ireland experience, OSCE roundtable “Involving Women: A key issue in security and … Continue reading”.

After the first wave of feminism at the beginning of the 20th century, in the 1970s Ireland lived its second stream, exactly in the same period of the civil rights quest. The NIWRM (Northern Ireland Women’s Rights Movement) was created in Belfast, in the same university from which arose the civil rights movement of 1968. It developed as an umbrella group, aimed at bringing together Unionist and Nationalist women, the opposing factions in the ‘Troubles.’ Since feminist women are more likely to favour decreased defence spending and to reject nationalism in favour of a European identity, feminism seemed not possible in the Northern Ireland case. However, facts demonstrated the contrary. The existence and popularity of Cumann na mBan, a violent female organisation, expressed an armed feminine vision of the conflict. Yet, even non-violent groups were widely present in this context, “offering up opportunities for improving political inclusion and meeting feminist peace goals, but also foreclosing opportunities as the dominant two-community dynamic showed^[6]Byrne,S. & McCulloch,A.(2023). Stories of Gender Inclusion, Power-Sharing and the Good Friday Agreement. Treatises and Documents, Journal of Ethnic Studies / Razprave in Gradivo, Revija za … Continue reading”. For example, “Women Together”, set up by Ruth Agnew, a Protestant, and Monica Patterson, a Catholic teacher original from London, started convincing both communities to end the violence and move towards a workable political compromise already in the 1970s^[7]Her Story. https://www.herstory.ie/photo-essays-2/2019/9/12/women-and-the-northern-ireland-peace-process.

In 1995, Monica McWilliams, an academic and activist from Northern Ireland, organised a conference titled “Women, Politics and the Way Forward”, which included about 200 women from across Northern Ireland who were interested in getting included in the peace process. Initially, there was no consensus on the path forward, with debate on whether to organise a women’s party or to advocate for women from within the existing parties as they stood. Ultimately, it was the experience of the women-led organising and the creation of the Northern Ireland Forum for Political Dialogue that set the groundwork for the creation of Northern Ireland’s all-women political party– the Northern Ireland Women’s Coalition (NIWC) – and a distinctly feminist intervention in power-sharing. The different joining parties determined participation in the peace talks by the results of the 1996 forum elections, and the NIWC leveraged a unique electoral system intended to open the negotiations to smaller Unionist parties that could act as spoilers^[8]Turkington, R. (Nov. 16, 2022). Women at the table: Why inclusive peace negotiations matter, The Diplomatic Pouch, Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, … Continue reading.

The Northern Ireland Forum for Political Dialogue was itself an innovative approach to negotiating peace in that it required elections as the criterion for entry to the peace talks. Power-sharing, with an emphasis on realising peace through shared, representative governance, has offered important and potentially unique pathways to include rights and equality^[9]Byrne,S. & McCulloch,A.(2023). Stories of Gender Inclusion, Power-Sharing and the Good Friday Agreement. Treatises and Documents, Journal of Ethnic Studies / Razprave in Gradivo, Revija za … Continue reading. For instance, the GFA included a provision for a Human Rights Commission for Northern Ireland and envisioned both a Bill of Rights for Northern Ireland and an All-Island Charter of Rights. The cross-community political mobilisation, enhancing ethnic and gender equality, turned out to be necessary for peacekeeping^[10]Racioppi, L., and See, K. O. (2006). Engendering Democratic Transition from Conflict: Women’s Inclusion in Northern Ireland’s Peace Process. Comparative Politics, 38(2), 189–208. … Continue reading. Therefore, Northern Ireland is a rare example in which women from civil society were able to achieve direct representation in formal peace negotiations.

Even Palestine had its own feminist movement, originally constructed under the British Mandate. The AWA (Arab Women’s Association of Palestine) was founded in 1929 and was the first female-organised political activism in the Middle East^[11]Fleischmann, E. L. (2000). The Emergence of the Palestinian Women’s Movement, 1929-39. Journal of Palestine Studies, 29(3), 16–32.https://doi.org/10.2307/2676453. In 1965, the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) eventually created an official section for Palestinian women, the GUPW (General Union of Palestinian Women), whose concept is now repeated in the Hamas system. Social fermentation started at Bir Zeit University, where various associations for human rights and national identity developed and spread.

Beyond the logistical and social support during the Resistance in Palestine, women also sustained armed struggle, proving that feminism and politics can get along with each other. Particularly appealing, especially for Western newspapers of that time, was the image conveyed by Leila Khaled, the most iconic terrorist woman of the 1970s, now Palestinian activist and politician. Conversations held by Amal Kawar – Professor of Political Science – with the Palestinian women’s leadership, especially those who resided in Lebanon between 1971 and 1982, indicated that women had developed a profound collective gender identity, which was enhanced by closer exposure to ordinary women’s lives under crisis^[12]Kawar, A. (1993). National mobilization, war conditions, and gender consciousness. Arab Studies Quarterly, 15(2), 53–67. 3.

Many female terrorists accused the failure of the women’s rights organisations to effectively change something in their societies as the trigger for political violence. Women achieved equality as perpetrators of terrorist violence^[13]Weinberg, L., and Eubank, W. (2014). Women’s Involvement in Terrorism, Gender Issues, Vol. 28, pp. 22-49. 10.1007/s12147-011-9101-8., while politics and peace tables failed this mission – at least in the 1970s. On the Palestinian side, women’s participation in terrorism has been interpreted as a sign of women’s newfound empowerment, and another opportunity to get closer to politics^[14]Berko, A. & Erez, E. (2007). Gender, Palestinian Women, and Terrorism: Women’s Liberation or Oppression?. Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 30(6), 493-519, DOI: 10.1080/10576100701329550. Citing a quote from the 1973 docu-film “Les Femmes palestiniennes”, by Jocelyne Saab, Lebanese journalist and film director, “it is only through armed struggle and revolution that they can liberate themselves socially and economically.”

Women who actively participated in traditional political activities were made invisible. For instance, you must be interested in the politics of Northern Ireland to know Bernadette Devlin^[15]A century of women, Bernadette Devlin, https://www.acenturyofwomen.com/bernadette-devlin/, one of the Irish Republican Party founders and elected MP to Westminster Parliament from 1969 to 1974.

However, when in Northern Ireland they were discussing a possible agreement, in the 1990s an autonomous Palestinian women’s movement emerged in the Israeli-occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip, which was relatively independent from the PLO. Differently from the previous feminist movements, this wave expressed direct concern with women’s liberation as opposed to women’s involvement in the national movements^[16]Abdulhadi, R. (1998). The Palestinian Women’s Autonomous Movement: Emergence, Dynamics, and Challenges. Gender and Society, 12(6), 649–673. It is not to be blamed for that, since the context shaping Palestinian national and gender dynamics is not limited to the boundaries of a single state, while the quest for a Palestinian identity was a common cross-sectoral need. There is a direct connection between the activism of Palestinian women and the national cause that clearly locates gender issues in the context of colonial rule^[17]Dajani, S. (1994). The struggle of Palestinian women in the occupied territories: between national and social liberation. Arab Studies Quarterly 16(2), 13–26.. With the outbreak of the First Intifada (1987), new forms of street activities in which women took part included women’s day marches organised by the Higher Women’s Council (HWC), in different parts of the West Bank and Gaza Strip.

Then, the deterioration of the first Intifada with the rising popularity of Hamas, and increased Israeli attempts to recruit collaborators, was detrimental to Palestinian women. The message of Hamas and other militant Islamic groups was that Israel was victorious because Palestinians had abandoned their culture and religion, meaning that women had to abandon the public arena and “go back home^[18]Dajani, S. (1994). The struggle of Palestinian women in the occupied territories: between national and social liberation. Arab Studies Quarterly 16(2), 13–26.”. Moreover, these new spontaneous movements did not have an organisational structure and could not sustain themselves. On one side, the emerging “culture of modesty” marginalised Palestinian women, who were unable to seriously challenge threats to their honour, thus accommodating the status quo. On the other side, women who had the opportunities and ability to be more confrontational opened up and engaged with international feminist movements in order to get wider attention.

Successful Stories and Failed Attempts of Peacebuilding

International human rights standards guarantee everyone the right to participate in the conduct of public affairs and specifically promote the rights of women and members of minority groups to participate effectively in political decision-making^[19]Barnes C. (2002). Democratizing peacemaking processes: strategies and dilemmas for public participation, Accord, Issue 13.. As such, these guidelines are intended to put an obligation on governments and inter-governmental organisations to promote opportunities for effective participation in peace processes. Nevertheless, the space for public participation in official peace-making is rarely offered and reluctantly given.

Although Israeli-Palestinian peace conferences were held years before the Belfast agreement – the 1973 Geneva Conference, 1978 Camp David Accords, 1991 Madrid Conference, and the 1993 Oslo Accords – they were not as efficient as in the Northern Ireland case. Still, the comparison between the two countries can be used to foster good practices and avoid errors in peace negotiations.

First, the GFA showed that a democratic process in conflict resolution not only puts an end to violence but can open up opportunities for marginalised groups to participate in public life, in particular women^[20]Racioppi, L., and See, K. O. (2006). Engendering Democratic Transition from Conflict: Women’s Inclusion in Northern Ireland’s Peace Process. Comparative Politics, 38(2), 189–208. … Continue reading. Women benefitted from the peace agreement, as much as they saw their political participation incrementing in elections, and contemporarily, women contributed to the draft of the peace negotiations, enforcing minorities’ voices and rights. Sceptics instead underline that this consociational model has conversely shown that women struggle anyway to get equal representation under these structures and that the primacy of ethno-national identity tends to push alternative identity issues off the political radar^[21]Pierson C., (February 5th, 2018). The marginalisation of women’s rights in Northern Ireland, 20 years after the Good Friday Agreement, British and Irish Politics and Policy, … Continue reading.

Legally speaking, in their 2008 report, the Northern Ireland Bill of Rights Forum was divided on whether women’s rights should be included amongst the “particular circumstances” of Northern Ireland^[22]Orme S. (2021). CEDAW and the Istanbul Convention: A comparative view on transposition and implementation in domestic law and practice, Northern Ireland Assembly, Research and Information Service … Continue reading. The current exclusion of women from formal forums to discuss issues of conflict legacy and ongoing contested community issues provides a stark example of who keeps being considered legitimate actors in peacebuilding: men. Nonetheless, the 2022 Northern Ireland elections broke the record of women’s representation at Stormont, the national parliament, returning 35% of women to the legislature^[23]Turkington, R. (Nov. 16, 2022). Women at the table: Why inclusive peace negotiations matter, The Diplomatic Pouch, Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, … Continue reading. For instance, the ‘Flags, Identity, Culture and Tradition’ Commission, set up in 2016, includes 14 men and 1 woman, namely Dr Katy Radford, an anthropologist working on issues of conflict transformation. Finally, the Belfast Agreement does not dictate the destinies of internal arrangements^[24]Schenker, H. (2017). Lessons from North Ireland for the Israeli-Palestinian Peace Process: An Israeli Perspective. Palestine-Israel Journal, vol. 22 (1). … Continue reading. In these terms, the GFA represents no guarantee for the future but is a good example of 25 years of national stability. Northern Ireland is now unrecognisable from the violence seen at the height of “The Troubles^[25]Conciliation resources, Learning from the Good Friday Agreement (April 2023) https://www.c-r.org/news-and-insight/learning-good-friday-agreement”. Hence this case demonstrates there is no quick fix when it comes to rebuilding peaceful societies.

In the Palestine framework, peace talks have all tried and failed to implement strategies to achieve peace^[26]Hillstead, E. (2023). On Occupying: Women’s Representation in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. University Honors Theses. Paper 1364. https://doi.org/10.15760/honors.1393. Many attempts have been made also by women’s groups working on peace. Remarkable, the Women in Black movement, forged during the early years of the first Intifada in the late 1980s, mobilised Israeli peace activists in Jerusalem to hold weekly vigils carrying signs that simply read “End the occupation”. They were extraordinary in the way they varied calls of witness, not just in war but more generally on violence against women. The loose framework of Women in Black enabled many women from different political views and women who were not involved in politics before to participate^[27]Espanioli, N., & Sachs, D. (1991). Peace Process: Israeli and Palestinian Women. Bridges, 2(2), 112–119.. Then, the Jerusalem Link, introduced in 1989 in Brussels, became an umbrella organisation, comprising Israeli women affiliated with the women-led Bat Shalom peace movement and Palestinian women affiliated with the Jerusalem Centre for Women, based in East Jerusalem^[28]Anderson, M. B. (August 1995). The Jerusalem Link: Women Joined Across Conflict, Case Study, Local Capacities for Peace Project (Do not harm), Collaborative Learning Projects (CDA). This group was the first to publicise viable solutions to core issues, i.e. the idea of Jerusalem as the shared capital of two states^[29]Anderlini, S. N. (2004). Peace Negotiations and Agreements, Inclusive Security, Sustainable Peace: A Toolkit for Advocacy and Action, edited by International Alert and Women Waging Peace, 16-32. … Continue reading. These initiatives followed the launch of the first international Palestinian-Israeli women’s conference, entitled “Given Peace a Chance: Women Speak Out^[30]Byrne, S. (October 17, 2023). How women in Israel and Palestine are pushing for peace — together, … Continue reading”. A second women’s peace conference, “Women Go for Peace”, further opened three days of international activities for peace, “1990: Time for Peace”, that finally took place on the conflict ground, Jerusalem. All the other events were held outside Palestine.

However, as said before, it is to be understood that the accessibility to certain environments was forbidden for women in Palestine. The Jerusalem Link members agreed with a unique umbrella structure since the lack of an institutional base from which both Palestinians and Israelis could jointly work on issues of common concern limited their abilities to work for peace. In addition, seatbacks on the peace process are usually addressed to consequent crisis periods, such as the first Gulf War (1990), the second Intifada (2000), the Israeli attacks on Gaza (2008-09) and the Gaza War (2014). Even more, although the Oslo Accords introduced a “two-state solution”, Palestinians were granted a semi-state structure that over time has been attempting to either coopt or repress all autonomous political formations, including women’s organisations^[31]Stagni, F. (2023). When Feminism Redefines National Liberation: How Tal’at Movement brought Feminism to the Core of the Palestinian National Liberation Struggle. Critical Sociology, 0(0). … Continue reading. Grassroots organisations are not missing, but these are hard-fought feminist peace movements that are difficult to sustain amid occupation and war. Even in recent years, Palestinian CSOs, including women’s rights organisations, have been facing a shrinking civic space owing to repressive measures, which are in this case implemented by the Israeli authorities^[32]United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia: ESCWA (2023). Social and economic situation of Palestinian women and girls, July 2020–June 2022, United Nations, Beirut, Lebanon. For instance, in October 2021, the Union of Palestinian Women’s Committees (UPWC), a progressive feminist community organization, was designated as a “terrorist organization” by the Israeli government, attacking civic society and limiting access to international funds.

Elections are usually held under an intensifying occupation and limited autonomy without sovereignty and social movements are not free to operate and are restricted in a partisan manner, both in Israel and under the Palestinian Authority. With the dismantlement of the PLO, Hamas has become the most representative organisation of Palestine, at least in the eyes of foreign states and international institutions. The Palestinian Authority, on its side, has not advanced democratisation in its institution and has been led since 2005 by Mahmoud Abbas.

The Hamas movement, which won the January 2006 election in the Palestinian territories, has provided pictures of the women’s unit they had established, which describes women in the service of terrorism as devout Muslims covered with burqa^[33]Berko, A. & Erez, E. (2007). Gender, Palestinian Women, and Terrorism: Women’s Liberation or Oppression?. Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 30(6), 493-519, DOI: 10.1080/10576100701329550. Therefore, with the Palestinian Authority leadership, Hamas, Israeli occupation and the failures of the Oslo Accords, democratic ideals and women’s rights eroded.

Old Stories, Same Problems, and New Conflicts

A democratic transition is still awaited by the inhabitants of the Occupied Palestinian Territories, while this was probably a key framework for Northern Ireland’s peace process. Traditionally located in Stormont, outside Belfast, the Parliament of Northern Ireland operated from the 1920s to 1973. Therefore, in Northern Ireland, there was an institution, albeit always with a Unionist majority, which followed the regulations of democracy and the rule of law. Here civil society engagement and female participation were not dismissed but just shadowed by gender norms. In opposition, Palestinian – and Israeli – civil societies are continuously excluded, privileging the mediation of foreign countries.

International actors can help to create the space for the mechanisms, both literally (by sponsoring or hosting meetings) and politically (by encouraging governments and armed groups to open out the process to other groups^[34]Orme S. (2021). CEDAW and the Istanbul Convention: A comparative view on transposition and implementation in domestic law and practice, Northern Ireland Assembly, Research and Information Service … Continue reading). The externalisation of peace talks is thus beneficial for funds and visibility. For instance, Jerusalem Link has received extensive scholarly and media attention, together with finances from European donors^[35]Sharoni, S.  (2012), Gender and Conflict Transformation in Israel/Palestine, Journal of International Women’s Studies, Bridgewater Vol. 13, Fasc. 4, 113-128.. Even Palestinian women have a deep history of mobilising outside of existing governmental structures, but they have been barred from formal politics^[36]Hillstead, E. (2023). On Occupying: Women’s Representation in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. University Honors Theses. Paper 1364. https://doi.org/10.15760/honors.1393. They kept mobilising civil society efforts to build peace but the sociopolitical events that followed worsened the situation. The Gulf crisis broke out in the middle of the preparations for a peace conference, bringing up fears and hesitations among Palestinian and Israeli women activists, which broke the consolidated cooperation and solidarity they had established. Hence, the improvements achieved under the Jerusalem Link were lost and implementations for an inclusive peace conference ceased. Women’s participation was again an illusion. In the Madrid Conference, the only Palestinian spokesperson woman was Hanan Ashrawi, a scholar and activist, once member of the PLO’s Leadership Committee and then the Executive Committee^[37]Finkel, L. (2012), The role of women in Israeli – Palestinian Peace Negotiations, The Atkin Paper Series, ICSR. Meanwhile, in the Oslo Process of 1993, there were no women at all.

In addition, many amendments need to be legally taken to grant Palestinian women a complete and fair experience during elections. For instance, in the Palestinian Legislative Council, a 20% representation quota is only imposed on the proportional representation component. The political and administrative procedures of the two governments in Palestine: the Palestinian Authority (Fatah) in the West Bank, and the Hamas government in the Gaza Strip, established in 2007, have led to the termination of the political pluralism concept. Space for other political factions, including women’s groups, was not left. The voice of political affiliation has been shut down and the political freedom of expression has been restricted in each area. Furthermore, the split has had a compounded impact on Palestinian women in Gaza, since the 2012 and 2017 municipal elections only took place in the West Bank^[38]Finkel, L. (2012), The role of women in Israeli – Palestinian Peace Negotiations, The Atkin Paper Series, ICSR.

Even though, another consortium has emerged in more recent times, as women have not stopped from advocating and fighting for inclusion and peace. Women Wage Peace, a nonpartisan women’s group founded after the 2014 summer war between Israel and Gaza, continues calling for an agreement that will be respectful, nonviolent, and accepted by both sides. The organisation, based in Israel, has been working in cooperation with the Palestinian-based women’s association, Women of the Sun. They had gathered to promote their “Mothers’ Call” to end the conflict, united in the human desire for a future of peace, freedom, equality, rights, and security for their children and the next generations^[39]Women Wage Peace, https://www.womenwagepeace.org.il/en/mothers-call/. Their action plan aims to get a peace accord among both their peoples, eliciting broad-based international support, by continuously advocating for the active participation of women to ensure its success. Nevertheless, the legal status of Palestinian women in the West Bank and Gaza Strip reveals the gap between the legislation that advocates for equality and the current situation of Palestinian women^[40]Samaroo, D. (2018). The Political Participation of Palestinian Women in Official and Non-Official Organizations in Limited Horizon. ICSR, London. Due to the absence of democracy and the principle of separation between the three authorities – legislative, executive and judicial, women’s movement and stakeholders have to ponder whether or not to seek promotion and improvement of women’s rights through presidential decrees. In addition, when women’s issues are addressed in Palestinian political parties, they are used as a tool to attract the attention of women voters not with the intention of realising them, but for the sake of achieving the other aims of these political parties.

Moreover, it seems that the stories of Palestinian women are being ignored. Many Western feminists perceive Palestinian women as oppressed primarily not by Israel or any other outside force, but by Palestinian men^[41]Aldossari, M. (January 4th, 2024). For feminists, silence on Gaza is no longer an option. Al Jazeera. https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2024/1/4/for-feminists-silence-on-gaza-is-no-longer-an-option, creating some limits to the women’s work on peace talks. Consequently, a powerful narrative sustains Israel’s claims that its assault on Gaza will help “liberate” Palestinian women from the clutches of Hamas. “Feminists” of this kind supported the US invasion of Afghanistan because it supposedly aimed to “liberate Afghan women”, and thus show that colonialism is deeply rooted in our society. “Why do white women only want to save Muslim women from the Taliban, Hamas, Hezbollah, and Arab governments, but not from the US government, the Israeli government, Zionist groups, or white men?^[42]Aziz, S. (October 31st, 2023). Muslim women in the West in the crosshairs of Zionists, white ‘feminists’. Al Jazeera. … Continue reading” Female mediators and activists from the Arab world have told The Elders^[43]The Elders (2020). Women in Mediation in the Arab World: Increasing the Chances of Peace, https://theelders.org/news/women-mediation-arab-world-increasing-chances-peace- an independent group of ex-global leaders working for peace, justice and human rights – that at times UN officials have been too prone to jump to conclusions that Arab countries are patriarchal and conservative, without recognising the political roles women already play, and that “national patriarchy is massaged by patriarchy on the part of the UN^[44]The Elders (2020). Women in Mediation in the Arab World: Increasing the Chances of Peace, https://theelders.org/news/women-mediation-arab-world-increasing-chances-peace”.

It is also true that the strict patriarchal system that permeates Palestinian society is threatening the possibility of women gaining political representation and a voice a priori, something crucial for peace talks. In addition, the emergence of political Islam movements and some radical and extremist groups – in the West Bank and Gaza Strip in particular– represents a serious threat to women’s political participation. Women generally do not participate in public political activities or hold public office as they are frightened, they will be put in jail or be subjected to any kind of violence^[45]Scharff, X. (February 2nd, 2024). Men Alone Cannot Build a Durable Peace in the Middle East. Foreign Policy. The situation was different from the 1990s to the early 2000s, as women even tried to stab soldiers with the wish they could be arrested to escape difficulties at home, for instance, being forced to marry or fleeing domestic violence^[46]Berko, A. & Erez, E. (2007). Gender, Palestinian Women, and Terrorism: Women’s Liberation or Oppression?. Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 30(6), 493-519, DOI: 10.1080/10576100701329550.

Furthermore, the statistically low number of women in the labour force in the Middle East impacts the number of women involved in peace processes. Namely, without relevant experience gained through personal career history, women are not likely to be asked to participate in important negotiations^[47]Swindle, M. (2021). Lack of Female Representation in Peace Processes in the MENA Region. Ballad Brief. … Continue reading, more than ever if national governments and regional organisations do not invest their resources in mediation and peace-making. Not to be surprised, if the leaders of the combatant parties do not promote inclusion, the international sponsors of a process do not feel an obligation to create opportunities for broader participation on decisions that could restructure the state and governance systems and the policy priorities^[48]Barnes C. (2002). Democratizing peacemaking processes: strategies and dilemmas for public participation, Accord, Issue 13.. Women are considered less capable of leading Palestinian society than men, and consequently, women’s entity, rights and their active role in society are not recognised. Women stand where the patriarchal society has drafted them and consequently, suffer from the lack of reproductive health services and accessible and adequate support to address gender-based violence and more.

Lessons learned from the outcome of the GFA can provide a base for recommendations for the Palestinian conflict. These may be identified in the supporting contact between communities, irrespective of what is happening in the political process. Women Wage Peace and Women of the Sun, representing Israel and Palestine, Hebraism and Islam, continue advancing their campaigns for peace together and hence are working in the right way. But first, women should be considered active members of society. National laws must be amended in line with international commitments, e.g. CEDAW, Women, Peace and Security Agenda. Later, an adequate level of human and financial resources should be allocated to the implementation of these policies. A definition of discrimination against women, a family protection law, and a ban on child marriage must be enacted^[49]United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia, ESCWA (2023). Social and economic situation of Palestinian women and girls, July 2020–June 2022, United Nations, Beirut, Lebanon. Democracy and civil rights should be reinforced at the governmental level, to strengthen their institutions and power. In Northern Ireland, while women’s groups have been the catalyst for general community development in some areas, their ability to develop social capital remains constrained by the nature of the relationship between the women’s sector and the wider community^[50]Ward, M. (2005). Gender, Citizenship and the Future of the Northern Ireland Peace Process, Éire-Ireland, 40:3-4. Subsequently, feminist groups in Palestine should be rehabilitated in the social, political and national issues, providing them the right space to practice leadership roles within the political parties. Efforts to raise awareness of women’s and girls’ rights must be intensified, particularly in rural communities and refugee camps, where traditional gender norms often prevail. It’s crucial to emphasize the importance of changing societal attitudes towards gender roles, enabling women to participate more actively in various spheres such as the labour force, political parties, public institutions, trade unions, and youth councils. The State of Palestine should prioritize investments in programs aimed at enhancing the economic, social, and political empowerment of adolescent girls and young women in marginalised areas like Area C, East Jerusalem, and Gaza, thus paving the way for a more inclusive and equitable society. Moreover, public support for a settlement must be pursued and a culture of peace must be spread.

Fulfilling the Promise: Advancing Women’s Participation in Peacebuilding Efforts

As usual, negotiations and peace processes are designed based on untested hypotheses or normative biases, instead of solid evidence-based findings, which can be provided by grassroots and civil society organisations^[51]O’Reilly, M., Su’lleabha’in, A. Ó., & Paffenholz, T. (2015). Women’s Impact on Peace Processes. In Reimagining Peacemaking: Women’s Roles in Peace Processes (pp. 9–13). International … Continue reading. Indeed, it is often not until third-party groups advocate for women’s inclusion in peacebuilding that positive change is seen in peace processes^[52]Swindle, M. (2021). Lack of Female Representation in Peace Processes in the MENA Region. Ballad Brief. … Continue reading. Practice is not always as efficient as theory, at least in the Middle East. Being a civic society in the Occupied Palestinian Territories is difficult, as difficult is the context where the basic rules of politics are contested, and violent force is frequently deployed^[53]Brown N. J. (2023), Is Civic Space Shrinking Over Israel and Palestine?, CARNEGIE, https://carnegieendowment.org/2023/06/21/is-civic-space-shrinking-over-israel-and-palestine-pub-89910. In addition, elective silence challenges the universality of feminist solidarity^[54]Aldossari, M. (January 4, 2024). For feminists, silence on Gaza is no longer an option. Al Jazeera. https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2024/1/4/for-feminists-silence-on-gaza-is-no-longer-an-option and underlines how important is to have the international community on your side.

Moreover, according to the United Nations Security Council, “the prospects for civil society participation in the very negotiations intended to secure their future are “vastly worse” than before the pandemic^[55]Prospects for Women Peacebuilders Vastly Worse than before Pandemic as Spoilers Ramp Up Action Aimed at Silencing Their Voices, (18 Jan. 2022), Human Rights Chief Warns Security Council, … Continue reading”. Furthermore, women peace activists are constantly facing increased intimidation or reprisals, not only in the Palestinian case but globally. Feminist movements are generally not granted the relevance they deserve. In conclusion, the cross-community solidarity which characterised the GFA may not be the needle for Palestine, but international stakeholders know that it is determinant.

Eventually, a democratic peace conference could take place, but it might not secure feminist perspectives and women’s engagement, leading to another failure for women, peace and security.

The statements expressed in this article are solely those of the author.

To cite this article: Anna Franco (12/03/2024). On the Model of Northern Ireland’s Peace Process, Women Can Be the Key to Negotiating Peace Between Israel and Palestine, Gender in Geopolitics Institute, https://igg-geo.org/?p=18612&lang=en