The Cuban Woman and Her Role in Society: Between Progress, Persistent Inequalities And The Rise of Feminism (2/2)

Temps de lecture : 9 minutes

04.12.2022

Emeline Leonard

With the advent of the “Revolución dentro de la revolución”, in 1959, innovative policies for the time were put in place. For Fidel Castro’s regime, we must strive for formal and legal equality of genders. If the achievements of the revolution are indisputable, this equality is still very far from being reality today. Inequalities persist, gender stereotypes are firmly anchored in mentalities and society remains patriarchal and macho. The authorities deny any responsibility and do not legally recognize the existence of femicide and gender-based violence. Recent years have seen the rise of feminism and its demands. The organizations demand a change in the established order and concrete actions for the condition of Cuban women. Thus, in the first article, the improvements relating to the condition of Cuban women were mentioned but also the numerous inequalities which persist and constrain them. This second article will focus on demonstrating the rise of Cuban feminism, particularly in recent years. Indeed, the emergence and affirmation of new feminist organizations independent of power, and of cyberfeminism, have given Cuban feminism new impetus. It plays a determining role in the empowerment of women and in the evolution of Cuban society.

Cuban Feminism: An Old Movement, Long Linked to Power

In Latin America, feminism is old. In the 19th century, demands mainly focused on improving the living conditions of women, equal access to education and even the right to vote. The objective was also to make women aware that, like men, they had civil, social, economic, political and cultural rights. It was therefore a question of reaffirming the role of women in society. They therefore very quickly grouped together in clubs[1]NAVARRO Marysa, SÁNCHEZ KORROL, Mujeres en América latina y El Caribe, Narcea Editions, Madrid, 2004, p.155 (206 pages),, composed only of women, a place for debates and exchanges. Also, in Cuba, feminism quickly became associated with revolutionary struggles[2]GAY-SYLVESTRE Dominique, Being a woman in Cuba: from the first feminist activists to revolutionary activists. L’Harmattan, Paris, 2006, 265 pages. Before the triumph of the revolution of 1959, some of them were part of the opposition movements to the dictatorship. They carried out all types of missions there: espionage, arms transport, coordination of operations… Many of them lost their lives. Among them we found Vilma Espín, Celia Sánchez Manduley, Clodomira Ferrales, Tete Puebla and many others[3]ESTRADE Paul, Women’s clubs in the Cuban Revolutionary Party (1892-1898), Cahiers HAH n°2, L’Harmattan, Paris, 1986, 42 pages. From the 1960s and the establishment of the Castro regime on the island, feminism – and thus gender equality – was at the center of the government’s concerns.

Thus, and to meet the commitments of the Cuban government in terms of gender equality, the FMC (Federación de Mujeres Cubanas) was created in 1960. It is a real “governmental weapon”, a political tool created by Fidel Castro. It is a mass organization which, in the 1970s, brought together more than 80% of Cuban women aged fourteen and over. Its aim is “to organize, educate and mobilize women from all social strata of society in order to improve the condition of Cuban women[4]According to the FMC website, http://www.mujeres.co.cu/” and has as its horizon gender equality and therefore even the consolidation of the revolution. Fidel Castro appointed Vilma Espin, his sister-in-law, fighter and symbol of the revolution, as his leader. For her, the Federation was born to unite women and constitute with them a solid pillar of the revolution. Thus, since 1960, it has developed policies and programs with the primary objective of full gender equality, in all areas (political, economic, social, cultural), and for all women, regardless of their social origin. It wants to work, in the long term, for the well-being of future generations and the evolution of mentalities.

After the triumph of the Cuban Revolution, all women’s groups on the island were forced to disband or join the FMC. Indeed, the Castro regime wanted to keep control of all organizations – particularly feminist ones – to make them an ally of power. Through this supervision, the government wanted to avoid any excess or any criticism concerning its policies and actions. The organization today brings together nearly 84.4% of the female population over the age of fourteen[5]According to the FMC website, http://www.mujeres.co.cu/. It was, for a very long time, the only feminist entity on the island, articulating everything linked to the movement in an institutional way. However, today the mass party does not escape criticism. In recent years, new feminist associations have developed, totally independent of the Cuban government. Some also strongly criticize the FMC and point out its inability to mobilize and accuse it of being under the yoke of power. Today, the FMC is no longer able to mobilize young girls, who aspire to more transparency and greater diversity.

The rise of a more independent feminism: a glimmer of hope and possible change

In recent years, new platforms independent of power have emerged, in the name of women’s rights and their empowerment. They demand from the State and organizations linked to it, transparency of information on gender violence in Cuba and effective policies to combat it. In particular, they develop documents such as Género Cuba’s Agenda 2020 Violencia. They demand that femicide be considered a crime[6]In Spanish, and unlike French, crimen (crime) and delito (misdemeanor) are equivalent terms. No legal distinction is made between these two words and that a law be established on violence against women[7]Redacción de CiberCuba, “Activistas independientes demandan que Cuba incluya el feminicidio como delito específico”, … Continue reading.

In addition, protest movements are regular on the island, gender violence is at the heart of the demands. At the beginning of December 2019, a group of Cuban women sang the feminist anthem, “Un violador en tu camino”, in Havana, to denounce feminicides and warn of the seriousness of the situation. This anthem born in November 2019 in Valparaiso (Chile), with the performance of the feminist group LasTesis, quickly went viral on social networks. In Havana, it was from the University of the Arts that around thirty young students sang, blindfolded, this anthem which in a few days became a symbol of the fight against gender violence[8]To see the performance : RACHEZ Carmen, “Himno viral “Un violador en tu camino” resuena también en Cuba”, Garbos, December 5, 2019 https://revistagarbos.com/articulo/himno-viral-%C2%ABun- … Continue reading. In addition, mobilizations continue despite the global health situation: on December 17, 2020, around a hundred feminists gathered in Havana to demand an end to exclusion and violence exercised by the State against Cuban women[9]DDC, “Un centenar de feministas pide el fin de la exclusión y violencia ejercidas por el Estado contra las mujeres cubanas”, Diario de Cuba, December 17, 2020 … Continue reading. They called on the government to initiate a citizen debate, a national dialogue and to open their eyes to gender-based violence.

The Red Femenina of Cuba and the Yo Sí Te Creo platform are two examples, among others, of these new organizations independent of power. La Red Femenina de Cuba[10]Editor’s note : Cuban Women’s Network was created on August 2, 2019. Its main goal is the empowerment of Cuban women. La Red considers them to be the real agents of change on the island. This initiative was born thanks to several Cuban women, convinced of the need to improve the condition of women. La Red wishes to work for the rights and the role of women in society. She also wants to be able, in the long term, to associate with international feminist movements and make them known in Cuba. It has also set up training and awareness workshops on the island. La Red wants to give women the means of action to neutralize gender violence. She also tries to raise the profile of women’s causes on social networks while giving them the keys to their empowerment. Thus, Red aspires for Cuban women to defend their rights and fully take their rightful place in society.

In addition, the Yo Sí Te Creo[11]Editor’s note : I believe you platform, created in June 2019, asks and demands from the government a comprehensive law against gender violence in Cuba. It is the first platform to offer support to women victims of gender violence. She encourages Cubans and Cubans alike to put pressure on Parliament – and thus on the government – by sending letters and emails to demand this law. The mobilization around this cause is great and the use of social networks allows for greater visibility. These demands come from the people, so the government can no longer ignore them. They highlight the urgent need for change. This civil society initiative also wants the State to take its responsibilities and act.

Indeed, the platform’s demands are numerous[12]YoSíTeCreo en Cuba, “Solicitud de Ley Integral contra la Violencia de Género en Cuba”, November 21, 2019 https://yositecreoencuba.medium.com/solicitud-de-ley-integral-contra-la-violencia-de … Continue reading. It demands from the Cuban state the protection of women victims of gender violence as well as the creation of the institutional and legal mechanisms necessary for this purpose. She also wishes to free the voices of women victims of this violence, by offering them support, in a process of self-reconstruction, towards the competent courts. She also calls for the recognition, by the Cuban Penal Code, of gender violence and femicide as crimes that must be severely punished. In addition to establishing this punitive dimension, the platform invites the Cuban government to create a solid basis for the implementation of a comprehensive system of prevention and care for this violence.

Thus, means of action are put in place to fight against gender violence. This is for example the case of the 103-telephone line. The COVID 19 pandemic has exacerbated violence in Cuba. The domestic sphere appears more than ever as a potential space of violence. The Secretary General of the United Nations, António Guterres, has also urged governments to take action in the face of this upsurge in violence. The pandemic is thus described by Susana Reina, director and founder of Feminismo Inc., as an “undeclared pandemic[13]Red Femenina de Cuba, “Violencia machista, la pandemic no declarada que empeora a la sombre del Covid-19 también en Cuba”, RFC, December 2020 … Continue reading”. The 103-telephone line appears to be a means of denouncing violence. First used for the prevention and control of addictions, has operated since 2002 as an anonymous, free and confidential mechanism. Its scope of action has been expanded with the COVID 19 pandemic to respond to violence and abuse that occurs within the family. She now receives reports of domestic violence. In addition to providing psychological assistance, she redirects victims to the appropriate services. A transfer to the judicial authorities, decided on a case-by-case basis, makes it possible to receive complaints from a legal point of view[14]Red Femenina de Cuba, “La línea telefónica 103 comienza a recibir denuncias por violencia machista en Cuba”, RFC, December 15, 2020 … Continue reading.

Finally, Cuban feminist activism is gradually taking over a new space now at its disposal: social networks and the Internet. The rise of feminism on the island can find one of its sources in cyberfeminism, which aims to be more informal and, in the Cuban case, totally detached from political power. Cyberactivism is now asserting itself as a mobilizing force that is revolutionizing female activist engagement[15]JOUSSE Louise, “Cyberactivism: a mobilizing force that revolutionizes female activist engagement”, 11/19/2020, Institute of Gender in Geopolitics. URL: https://igg-geo.org/?p=2672. It makes it possible to diversify and renew feminist activist practices by capturing, in particular, a section of the population more present on social networks: young people. Young Cubans aspire to more transparency and independence from activist organizations. The new feminist organizations meet these criteria and manage, more easily, to capture them. Social networks appear as a new space for expression, participation, exchange and demands.

Cyber activism makes it possible to raise the profile of a cause without creating a break with physical engagement. Cyberspace also appears to be a space for emancipation and affirmation of one’s convictions. Access to the Internet and social networks has long been very limited on the island until recently. In 2017, Cuba was the country that experienced the strongest growth in social networks with more than 2.7 million new users and an increase of 365% compared to the previous year[16]Digital in 2017: Global Overview https://wearesocial.com/special-reports/digital-in-2017-global-overview. Now, more than four million Cubans have access to the Internet[17]Digital in 2017: Global Overview https://wearesocial.com/special-reports/digital-in-2017-global-overview. The struggles for gender equality have found in them a new channel of communication.

On the island, the hashtag #YoSíTeCreo demonstrates the capacity of Cuban feminism to best exploit the power of social networks. Mexican feminist Luisa Velázquez Herrera, author of the blog Menstruadora, affirms that “cyberfeminism, for the numerous generations who communicate through social networks, is a point of transgression, it is a break with the patriarchal hierarchy that prevented us from access a space in public space[18]TERRENO Ania, “Feminismo en las redes, otro reto al silencio”, CubaDebate, August 14, 2020 http://www.cubadebate.cu/especiales/2020/08/14/feminismo-en-las-redes-otro- reto-al-silencio/”. The Cuban feminist and journalist, Dalia Acosta[19]TERRENO Ania, “Feminismo en las redes, otro reto al silencio”, CubaDebate, August 14, 2020 http://www.cubadebate.cu/especiales/2020/08/14/feminismo-en-las-redes-otro- reto-al-silencio/, is also convinced that with the emergence, and progressive use, of the Internet and social networks on the island, feminist demands are beginning to be seen in a new way corner. It underlines, however, their minority presence compared to other spaces designed by, and for, men and the patriarchal system. The digital divide must also be taken into account to discuss the limits of Cuban feminist cyberactivism.

Conclusion

The achievements of the revolution regarding the condition of Cuban women are undeniable. The integration of the latter into society is increasing and recognized as such by international organizations. Cuba has made significant progress in the fight for rights and gender equality, improving the living conditions of women, their empowerment, and their empowerment in areas such as education, health, and participation policy. However, the “new woman” proclaimed by Fidel Castro is far from being a concrete reality. Gender inequalities remain deeply rooted both in mentalities and in society which remains very patriarchal and macho. Gender stereotypes and inequalities persist and are often reproduced unconsciously. They are rarely questioned and are, ultimately, part of normality even though they condition women and constrain them.

These discriminations explain the rise in power of Cuban feminism in recent years. Feminist struggles and demands, which are not new, denounce these glaring inequalities, through various channels, and accuse the Cuban government of having its share of responsibility. Machist violence, particularly in its most extreme form, which is femicide, and the chronic existence of sexual and gender-based violence against women push feminists to question the Cuban system. They also work to create resources and regulations to protect women from this violence and allow them to fully take their rightful place in Cuban society. Proof that there is still a long way to go, last November, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) urged Cuba to quickly take measures to prevent, prosecute and punish all acts of violence perpetrated against women.

The contents of this article are the sole responsibility of the author

To cite this production : Leonard, Emeline (23/12/2023), The Cuban Woman and Her Role in Society : Between Progress, Persistent Inequalities and The Rise of Feminism Gender in Geopolitics Institute. https://igg-geo.org/?p=17399&lang=en

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References

References
1 NAVARRO Marysa, SÁNCHEZ KORROL, Mujeres en América latina y El Caribe, Narcea Editions, Madrid, 2004, p.155 (206 pages),
2 GAY-SYLVESTRE Dominique, Being a woman in Cuba: from the first feminist activists to revolutionary activists. L’Harmattan, Paris, 2006, 265 pages
3 ESTRADE Paul, Women’s clubs in the Cuban Revolutionary Party (1892-1898), Cahiers HAH n°2, L’Harmattan, Paris, 1986, 42 pages
4, 5 According to the FMC website, http://www.mujeres.co.cu/
6 In Spanish, and unlike French, crimen (crime) and delito (misdemeanor) are equivalent terms. No legal distinction is made between these two words
7 Redacción de CiberCuba, “Activistas independientes demandan que Cuba incluya el feminicidio como delito específico”, https://www.cibercuba.com/noticias/2019-06-05-u1-e199556-s27061-activistas-independientes-demandan-cuba -incluya-feminicidio
8 To see the performance : RACHEZ Carmen, “Himno viral “Un violador en tu camino” resuena también en Cuba”, Garbos, December 5, 2019 https://revistagarbos.com/articulo/himno-viral-%C2%ABun- violador-en-tu-camino-%C2%BB-resuena-tambi%C3%A9n-en-cuba
9 DDC, “Un centenar de feministas pide el fin de la exclusión y violencia ejercidas por el Estado contra las mujeres cubanas”, Diario de Cuba, December 17, 2020 https://diariodecuba.com/derechos-humanos/1608208371_27321.html
10 Editor’s note : Cuban Women’s Network
11 Editor’s note : I believe you
12 YoSíTeCreo en Cuba, “Solicitud de Ley Integral contra la Violencia de Género en Cuba”, November 21, 2019 https://yositecreoencuba.medium.com/solicitud-de-ley-integral-contra-la-violencia-de -g%C3%A9nero-en-cuba-8861b4bde044
13 Red Femenina de Cuba, “Violencia machista, la pandemic no declarada que empeora a la sombre del Covid-19 también en Cuba”, RFC, December 2020 https://redfemeninadecuba.com/component/content/article/79-blog /2507-violencia-machista-la-pandemia-no-declarada-que-empeora-a-la-sombra-del-covid-19-tambien-en-cuba.html?Itemid=437
14 Red Femenina de Cuba, “La línea telefónica 103 comienza a recibir denuncias por violencia machista en Cuba”, RFC, December 15, 2020 https://redfemeninadecuba.com/blog/articulos-y-noticias/noticias/2510-la- linea-telefonica-103-comienza-a-recibir-denuncias-por-violencia-machista-en-cuba.html
15 JOUSSE Louise, “Cyberactivism: a mobilizing force that revolutionizes female activist engagement”, 11/19/2020, Institute of Gender in Geopolitics. URL: https://igg-geo.org/?p=2672
16, 17 Digital in 2017: Global Overview https://wearesocial.com/special-reports/digital-in-2017-global-overview
18, 19 TERRENO Ania, “Feminismo en las redes, otro reto al silencio”, CubaDebate, August 14, 2020 http://www.cubadebate.cu/especiales/2020/08/14/feminismo-en-las-redes-otro- reto-al-silencio/