State Feminism, Legitimacy, and Women’s Equality in the Arab World

31/07/2023

Ilona Barrero

The theory and concept of state feminism originated mainly in Nordic countries, and is used to refer to the alliances formed between women’s policy activists and liberal democratic regimes that respond strongly to women’s demands for inclusion^[1]Kantola, J., & Squires, J. (2012). From state feminism to market feminism? International Political Science Review, 33(4), 382–400. https://doi.org/10.1177/0192512111432513 . In this concept, women’s policy agencies play a strong role in governmental lobbying for gender equity interests. In the past decades, Arab governments have employed this strategy in their own regimes, democratic or not, in order to increase their legitimacy as States internationally, and quell protests from both democratic and feminist activist groups. While it is true that most of these tactics are paving the way forward for Arab women and their political participation, there are still many obstacles to achieving complete gender equity in the Arab world which must be addressed. With this in mind, this article explores the following research question: What are the effects of state feminism initiatives on women’s representation and gender equity in Arab governments, and what challenges persist in achieving genuine inclusion?

State Feminism and Legitimacy 

In 2011, a string of pro-democracy protests broke out in many Arab countries, including Egypt, Tunisia, Yemen, and Libya, among others. This chain-reaction of mass protests is commonly known as the Arab Spring, where calls for the ousting of autocratic regimes shook the region and spiked pressure on repressive dictatorships^[2]Robinson, K., & Merrow, W. (2020, December 3). The Arab Spring at Ten Years: What’s the Legacy of the Uprisings? Council on Foreign Relations. … Continue reading. The Arab Spring had varied outcomes in different countries: Tunisia made a lasting transition to democracy, but democratic backsliding in Egypt, Libya, and Syria warped into prolonged social conflict and worsened quality of life for the women enduring these conflicts^[3]Robinson, K., & Merrow, W. (2020, December 3). The Arab Spring at Ten Years: What’s the Legacy of the Uprisings? Council on Foreign Relations. … Continue reading. However, the Arab Spring brought international attention to these countries, and the combination of global and local pressures have swayed certain MENA governments into liberalizing their women’s inclusion policies in ways that are visible at the global scale and grant them legitimacy in the human rights and gender inclusion fields. The Council on Foreign Relations reported in 2020 that since the Arab Spring, women’s representation in the government has increased in most Arab countries^[4]Robinson, K., & Merrow, W. (2020, December 3). The Arab Spring at Ten Years: What’s the Legacy of the Uprisings? Council on Foreign Relations. … Continue reading. Although women’s rights were not at the forefront of the Arab Spring, women adopted leading roles in the protests despite threats of gender based violence. This kind of increased representation mirrors the ideals of state feminism, and in recent years, Arab states have co-opted this idea and made it their own. Implementing women’s inclusion policies has gained them much legitimacy nationally and internationally, and has allowed Arab states to market themselves as champions of women’s rights despite the large indicators of inequality in the region.

 A prime example of this is the implementation of gender quotas in many Arab countries. Gender quotas in governmental institutions like the legislature have increased globally over the last decade^[5]Çavdar, G. (2022). The study of women and gender in the Middle East and North Africa beyond culturalism. Digest of Middle East Studies, 31(4), 276–292. https://doi.org/10.1111/dome.12276 . After years of having some of the lowest percentages of female representations in parliaments, many countries in the MENA region have adopted gender quotas to increase women’s representation and participation in the political world. As of today, 14 out of 22 Arab League members have successfully implemented gender quotas^[6]Çavdar, G. (2022). The study of women and gender in the Middle East and North Africa beyond culturalism. Digest of Middle East Studies, 31(4), 276–292. https://doi.org/10.1111/dome.12276 . As a result, women’s parliamentary representation has increased significantly in these 14 countries, providing a straightforward and tangible strategy for Arab nations to promote women’s rights^[7]Arab Center D.C. (2023, May 1). Women’s Rights and “State Feminism” in the Arab World. Arab Center Washington DC. … Continue reading. In the metric of formal gender inclusion, gender quotas work. They force people to put women in office even when they do not want or trust women in these positions, and women participating in politics slowly becomes normalized. 

In Saudi Arabia, where a traditional representative chamber does not exist, women are appointed to the consultative chamber. The Consultative Assembly acts as a legislative body that has the power to propose new laws and amend old ones without the need for approval from the King^[8]Saudi Arabian Embassy in Washington, D.C. (2020). Majlis Al-Shura (Consultative Council) | The Embassy of The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. Saudiembassy.net. … Continue reading. This chamber has now had 20% women appointments since 2013, as a part of state-led reforms in the wake of the Arab Spring^[9]Arab Center D.C. (2023, May 1). Women’s Rights and “State Feminism” in the Arab World. Arab Center Washington DC. … Continue reading. As admirable as this improvement is, gender quotas in the Arab world are implemented with more intentions than simply increasing women’s inclusion to fight for gender equity. A study published by the University of Colorado found that foreign aid and foreign direct investment (FDI) is a consistent and direct predictor of gender quotas in the Arab world^[10]Chrisina, B., & Hybl, K. (2010). The Strategic use of Gender Quotas in the Arab World IFES Fellowship in Democracy Studies. … Continue reading. Foreign donors influence the adoption of groundbreaking policy reforms like gender quotas. Furthermore, adopting gender quotas is a widely used strategy among autocratic governments to enhance their reputations in the face of Western nations that they benefit economically from^[11]Bush, S. S., & Zetterberg, P. (2020). Gender Quotas and International Reputation. American Journal of Political Science, 65(2). https://doi.org/10.1111/ajps.12557 . As mentioned previously, despite the massive mobilizations of the Arab Spring, the democratization movements were not always successful, and many Arab countries remain under repressive regimes. For these regimes to remain in power it is imperative that they retain some semblance of legitimacy internationally; in order to maintain internal stability and continue to receive foreign donations and international acceptance from other nations. Gender quotas are a relatively easy way to retain such legitimacy and materially include women in the policy-making progress. 

Furthermore, Arab countries have embodied state feminism by increasing female appointments in the executive branch. In 2021, Tunisia saw the first female prime minister in the Arab world^[12]Arab Center D.C. (2023, May 1). Women’s Rights and “State Feminism” in the Arab World. Arab Center Washington DC. … Continue reading. Other countries like Lebanon have also seen female appointments to executive branches in recent years, such as the appointment of female Minister of  Defense Zeina Akar from 2020-2021^[13]Arab Center D.C. (2023, May 1). Women’s Rights and “State Feminism” in the Arab World. Arab Center Washington DC. … Continue reading. At first glance these appointments feel immensely significant, however the implications are more complex. In an analysis by the Arab Center in Washington D.C,  the Center concludes that these appointments are ultimately meaningless from a policy making perspective, unlike gender quotas. However, they are symbolically important. These women were appointed for different political reasons; Akar was “parachuted” into politics and came into her role majorly because of her Orthodox Christian background, as is the law in the Lebanese power-sharing system^[14]Arab Center D.C. (2023, May 1). Women’s Rights and “State Feminism” in the Arab World. Arab Center Washington DC. … Continue reading. Moreover, through female appointments in the executive branches, Arab states are able to position themselves effectively as progressive regimes internationally, retaining foreign investment and quelling domestic pushback. Whether these women were given their positions because of great progress in gender equality in these countries is questionable, but it is nevertheless an accomplishment. Seeing women in powerful, respected positions normalizes women working in these roles for young girls, and creates female role models in positions of leadership for generations who thought it would never be possible. 

State feminism is a good starting point for the fight for gender equality in the Arab states, but it can sometimes eclipse the many pressing issues in women’s lives in this region, and ignore local activism by Arab women who demand more. 

The Role of Grassroots Activism

As mentioned earlier, although the Arab Spring uprisings were not focused on women’s rights, they were able to gain national and international recognition for female activists. Women from all backgrounds demanded democracy, social justice, and dignity. In Tunisia, women protested against then dictator Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, and were subjected to police violence in the form of rape and sexual harassment^[15]Fédération internationale pour les droits humains. (n.d.). Women and the arab Spring: taking their place? Women and the Arab Spring: taking their place? … Continue reading. After Ben Ali’s fall from power, women took to the streets to protest again and demand full participation in the democratization process. These kinds of mobilizations happened in other Arab countries as well, and they generated opportunities for the inclusion of women in government and policies to increase the protection of women’s rights. For example, in the first free and fair elections held in 2011 in Tunisia, parties were obliged to have an equal number of men and women on electoral lists. As of 2022, women hold 26% of seats in the national Tunisian parliament^[16]World Bank. (2022). World Bank Open Data. World Bank Open Data. https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SG.GEN.PARL.ZS?locations=TN , and the country remains as one with the highest percentages of female representation in its legislature in the Arab World^[17]Fédération internationale pour les droits humains. (n.d.). Women and the arab Spring: taking their place? Women and the Arab Spring: taking their place? … Continue reading. It is important to note that while women do participate in policy making processes in countries like Tunisia, this kind of participation is not always synonymous to a democratic state or a state that outwardly promotes women’s rights^[18]Livia Scalabrelli (2023). “Are women more democratic in the exercise of power? A comparison between Italy and Tunisia” – part 1.  Institut du Genre en … Continue reading. However, Tunisia is more of an exception in the post-Arab Spring world. After these mass protests, women had to deal with their states promoting false state feminist agendas in order to conceal their patriarchal authority, which meant they had to continue their arduous activism^[19]Al Atiyat, I. (2020). The Current Faces of Arab Feminisms. https://library.fes.de/pdf-files/iez/17059.pdf. 

Many feminist groups in the Arab world continue to fight for women’s equality in disruptive ways, such as the Lebanese organization “Kafa”, which stages fake public photoshoots depicting young girls marrying older men to raise awareness against child marriage. Furthermore, in 2018, a large number of women and activists occupied the surroundings of Jordan’s parliament until the Members of Parliament repealed a law that exonerated rapists as long as they married their victims^[20]Al Atiyat, I. (2020). The Current Faces of Arab Feminisms. https://library.fes.de/pdf-files/iez/17059.pdf. Altough most feminist activists in the Arab World are educated, middle-class women and many initiatives lack an intersectional perspective, the reality is that their activism has brought women legal protection in key subjects such as sexual assault and domestic abuse^[21]Al Atiyat, I. (2020). The Current Faces of Arab Feminisms. https://library.fes.de/pdf-files/iez/17059.pdf.However, grassroots activism initiatives still face many obstacles in the Arab world, mostly in the form of conflicting principles: such legal norms versus modern family codes. Women are often living in a two-fold legal status, as their private life is considered differently than their public life^[22]Souad Mahmoud. (2021, March 25). The Challenges of Grassroots Feminism in Arab Countries. Capire. https://capiremov.org/en/analysis/the-challenges-of-grassroots-feminism-in-arab-countries/. This is why local activism strategies are so crucial in continuing to secure women’s rights in the Arab world: they are the organizations that propel national governments to bridge the gaps in inequality as much as possible. 

State Feminism and its Contradictions: Women’s Real Lives

Despite the ostentatious state feminism employed by Arab governments, the region remains the one with the largest gender equality gap in the world^[23]Arab Center D.C. (2023, May 1). Women’s Rights and “State Feminism” in the Arab World. Arab Center Washington DC. … Continue reading. There are dozens of intersecting societal factors that contribute to gender inequality, but some of the most pressing ones in the region are discriminatory laws, gender-based violence, lack of childcare options, unfair wages, and unequal division of domestic labor^[24]Arab Center D.C. (2023, May 1). Women’s Rights and “State Feminism” in the Arab World. Arab Center Washington DC. … Continue reading. In the Arab States, 37% of women have experienced some sort of violence in their lifetime, and U.N Women estimates that the percentage might be even higher^[25]UN Women. (n.d.). Facts and Figures: Ending Violence against Women and Girls. UN Women – Arab States. https://arabstates.unwomen.org/en/what-we-do/ending-violence-against-women/facts-and-figures-0. 92% of women in Egypt as of today in the ages between 15 and 49 years old have experienced Female Genital Mutilation (FGM). Violence against women in this region is endemic, regardless of gender quotas or female appointments to the government. Protection measures in the Arab region are scarce; there is a strong lack of rehabilitation centers or women’s shelters for women fleeing domestic violence. Mechanisms to report such crimes are also weak and poorly run^[26]Parvez, Z. (2022, November 29). Endemic Violence Against Women Persists in the Middle East | Wilson Center. Www.wilsoncenter.org. … Continue reading. Moreover, despite gender quotas, Arab women only hold 17% of seats in national parliaments^[27]Arab Center D.C. (2023, May 1). Women’s Rights and “State Feminism” in the Arab World. Arab Center Washington DC. … Continue reading. 

Arab women continue to be marginalized in the economy, and have a near impossible task when seeking financial independence. Economic restructurings in the region by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) since the 1980s predominantly affected women by shrinking welfare programs and cutting public education. Women also had to accept work below their educational and career qualifications as regional economies adapted to these economic restructurings. Essentially, women bore the brunt of increasing costs for things like transportation and childcare, while welfare was decreased and salaries were not  properly regulated^[28]Al Atiyat, I. (2020). The Current Faces of Arab Feminisms. https://library.fes.de/pdf-files/iez/17059.pdf. Even though these restructurings happened over 25 years ago, highly educated Arab women are still more likely to be unemployed than those with less education. As of 2020, only 18 percent of Arab women participate formally in the labor market^[29]Arab Center D.C. (2023, May 1). Women’s Rights and “State Feminism” in the Arab World. Arab Center Washington DC. … Continue reading. Furthermore, when Arab women work outside the home, they are often only preferred for certain professions, mainly those related to women’s reproductive role. Finally, all of these constraints are exacerbated in conflict or post-conflict settings. Women in Yemen, Syria, and Iraq have much more limited opportunities for employment as institutions crumble and they are forced to continue as caretakers for themselves and their families^[30]International Labor Organization. (2019, July 1). Gender Equality in the Arab States. Www.ilo.org. https://www.ilo.org/beirut/areasofwork/equality-discrimination/WCMS_712089/lang–en/index.htm.

Synchronizing State Feminism with Real Inclusion

While some ideals of state feminism have been helpful in including women in the political sphere of the Arab world, there is a strong disconnect between these achievements and the daily lives of millions of Arab women. For example, the International Labor Organization (ILO) seeks to include Arab women in the economic sphere by working with governments, employers, and other stakeholders to mainstream gender inclusion in the workforce and skills development policies^[31]International Labor Organization. (2019, July 1). Gender Equality in the Arab States. Www.ilo.org. https://www.ilo.org/beirut/areasofwork/equality-discrimination/WCMS_712089/lang–en/index.htm. Furthermore, ILO recommends the encouragement of a gender responsive labor market; administrations should review tools used in labor inspection for gender gaps, and should build the capacity of labor inspectors to better understand the needs and experiences for women for their inclusion. Arab nations must also take meaningful steps to address inequality on a broader spectrum.

 It is also necessary to fully implement the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) as many of these states have signed on to the convention but not fully ratified it due to strict reservations, mostly related to supposed contradictions with Sharia law^[32]Sharaf, N. (2022). Going Backward Is Not an Option: The Challenge of Equality for Arab Women. Arab Center Washington DC. … Continue reading. Moreover, legal reforms that protect women’s rights in the home context are also necessary, such as protections for statutory rape victims and women who suffer from domestic abuse or FGM. Grassroots activism from Arab feminists must also be supported, funded, and encouraged in order to continue fostering the connections between these groups and their governments. The adoption of state feminism in the Arab region has helped in including women at the forefront of policy making, but the reality is that most of these efforts are not genuine but only a means to gaining legitimacy. In order for gender equality to even become a real possibility, efforts from states and their organisms must be genuine in their collaboration with international organizations and local feminist groups to better bridge the gender equality gap.

To quote this article : Ilona Barrero. (2023). State Feminism, Legitimacy, and Women’s Equality in the Arab World. Gender in Geopolitics Institute. https://igg-geo.org/?p=14633&lang=en

The statements in this article are the sole responsibility of the author.