State Violence Against Women in Egypt’s Prisons: Gendering Bodies and Space 1/2

13.12.2023

Rosário Frada

In 2015, Egypt’s President Abdel-Fattah El-Sisi officially stated that “the women of Egypt have always taken part in writing [the] history of our nation^[1]Amnesty International (2015). “Circles of hell”: Domestic, public and state violence against women in Egypt. Relief Web. … Continue reading”. In 2023, he further stressed the importance of establishing gender equality, asserting “The Egyptian woman has always been the key to every narrative^[2]Gebba, W. (2023, March 20). President Sisi stresses the importance of continuing to promote women’s rights. Ahram Online. … Continue reading”. Nonetheless, and although women account for a much smaller percentage of inmates compared to men, ranging from 2% to 10%, the numbers of female inmates in Egypt are increasing significantly and disproportionately^[3]Violence has many prisons: a look at women’s experiences in prisons and detention centres in Egypt. (2017, January 11). Nazra. … Continue reading together with levels of abuse and ill-treatment in dealing with them^[4]Magdy, S. (2023, April 19). Women in Egypt’s prisons: tales of oppression, abuse and human rights violations. The Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy. … Continue reading. Several organisations have publicly condemned the arbitrary detention of women human rights defenders in Egypt^[5]Association for Progressive Communication (2014, June 25). APC condemns arbitrary detention of women rights defenders in Egypt. Association Pour Le Progrès des Communications. … Continue reading; in March 2021 the Committee for Justice claimed that Egyptian women “have been the subject of repression by security services^[6]On international women’s day: women in Egypt live an unjust reality, and face a dark future. (2021, March 08). Committee for Justice. … Continue reading”. Through its crucial project Detention Watch, the organisation identified 554 violations against 224 women in detention facilities and prisons in Egypt during 2020, including the enforced disappearance of 92 women, and the torture of 43 others^[7]Egypt in 2022: CFJ documented 7283 violations in detention centers. (2021, May 19). Committee for Justice. … Continue reading.

Since the 2011 anti-government uprising, Egypt has faced persistent political turmoil, witnessing the removal of two presidents, approval of two constitutions and a series of changing governments. According to the Egyptian Observatory for Rights and Freedoms, since July 2013 “Security forces do not miss an opportunity to arrest and terrorise all sections of the population^[8]Eleftheriou-Smith, L. (2915, May 19). Egypt: Rape and sexual violence perpetrated by security forces “surges” under el-Sisi’s regime in campaign to “eliminate public protest”. Independent. … Continue reading”, turning towards the systematic targeting of women as a mechanism to repress political opposition. Solafa Magdy, an Egyptian journalist and human rights defender who was imprisoned for almost two years due to her work, believes “The Egyptian regime and the security authorities adopt a specific approach in dealing with women prisoners^[9]Magdy, S. (2023, April 19). Women in Egypt’s prisons: tales of oppression, abuse and human rights violations. The Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy. … Continue reading”. Therefore, the ways in which legislation, policy and practice discriminate against women, rendering women disproportionately prone to incarceration must be understood if the political instrumentalization of women is to be effectively combated and a path to gender equality delineated^[10]Violence has many prisons: a look at women’s experiences in prisons and detention centres in Egypt. (2017, January 11). Nazra. … Continue reading.  

This leads to the following question: how do discriminatory laws, arrest practices, and conditions within Egypt’s prisons contribute to the systematic violation of women’s rights, particularly in terms of privacy, freedom of expression, and protection against gender-based violence?

This dossier will shed light on the ways in which the bodies of women prisoners have become spaces of contestation, where battles over authenticity, cultural dominance and political control are fought. Only by understanding how they are implicated in the re-articulation of state power over space and political action, and disciplined by the male gaze from within a gender framework, may hegemonic representations and practices be countered and the reimagination of the female body in the public sphere achieved. 

Divided into two articles, the first one will delve into Egypt’s international legal obligations towards gender equality and non-discrimination, current state practices towards politically active women and conditions in women’s prisons. The second will focus on the multidimensional gender-based violence taking place in the prison system, women’s lack of access to justice and discrimination upon release, ending with several recommendations.

Egypt’s International Obligations Towards Gender Equality and Non-Discrimination

Egypt’s participation in several international treaties ostensibly positions the country within a framework committed to non-discrimination and gender equality. As a signatory to several international human rights instruments including the United Nations (UN) International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCR), the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT), the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR), Egypt commits to the foundational premises of human rights: the notion that all humans are born free and equal, emphasising the state’s responsibility to ensure equality among its citizens^[11]Amnesty International (2015). “Circles of hell”: Domestic, public and state violence against women in Egypt. Relief Web. … Continue reading. 

UN treaty monitoring bodies have underscored the intrinsic relationship between the right to equality and non-discrimination, with the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights noting in its General Comment 16 that they are “integrally related and mutually reinforcing^[12]United Nations Economic and Social Council. (2005, May 13). Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights General Comment N. 16. United Nations. … Continue reading” and that central to the enjoyment of social, economic and cultural rights is the principle of equality. Both the ICCR and the ICESCR contain a provision protecting the equal enjoyment of rights between men and women, with Article 26 of the ICCPR explicitly stating that “All persons are equal before the law” and that “the law shall prohibit any discrimination […] on any ground such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status^[13]United Nations. (1996, December 16). International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. https://www.ohchr.org/en/instruments-mechanisms/instruments/international-covenant-civil-and-political-rights”. The ACHPR further stresses the importance of non-discrimination, particularly against women, highlighting the state’s duty to eliminate discrimination and protect women’s rights in accordance with international declarations and conventions.

As a state party to CEDAW since 1981, Egypt has committed to “take all appropriate measures to eliminate discrimination against women in the political and public life^[14]Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women. (1979). United Nations. https://www.ohchr.org/sites/default/files/Documents/ProfessionalInterest/cedaw.pdf” and “to modify the social and cultural patterns of conduct of men and women, with a view to achieving the elimination of prejudices and customary and all other practices which are based on the idea of the inferiority or the superiority of either of the sexes or on stereotypes roles for men and women^[15]Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women. (1979). United Nations. https://www.ohchr.org/sites/default/files/Documents/ProfessionalInterest/cedaw.pdf”. Proposed measures include taking appropriate and effective measures to overcome all forms of gender-based violence (GBV), ensuring laws afford adequate protection to all women and girls against GBV, and providing appropriate protective and support services for survivors, such as having public officials undertake gender-sensitive training for the convention’s effective implementation. Even so, the presence of broad reservations on critical articles, such as Article 2, 16 and 29 – related to condemn all forms of discrimination against women and strive towards equality within family life – raises concerns about the country’s dedication to combating gender-based discrimination^[16]Egypt: Spate of “Morality” Prosecutions of Women. (2020, August 17). Human Rights Watch. https://www.hrw.org/news/2020/08/17/egypt-spate-morality-prosecutions-women. These reservations, justified under Shari’a, undermine the effectiveness of CEDAW and hinder progress toward gender equality. Additionally, Egypt’s refusal to ratify the Optional Protocol to CEDAW limits avenues for individuals and groups to submit complaints regarding the state’s breach of its obligations and seek redress for violations, limiting people’s participation in public life and challenging the enforcement of women’s rights^[17]Egypt: Spate of “Morality” Prosecutions of Women. (2020, August 17). Human Rights Watch. https://www.hrw.org/news/2020/08/17/egypt-spate-morality-prosecutions-women. 

The right to be free from torture and other cruel inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, as outlined in the ICCPR, ACPR and CAT is absolute. Being the first Arab state to become a party to the CAT signifies a dedication to holding perpetrators accountable under the criminal justice system. Importantly, several forms of GBV deployed in the context of Egypt’s prison system have been considered as tantamount to torture, including virginity testing, deliberate uses of bodily searches and use of sexual language to degrade or humiliate. According to the Special Rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, “rape and other serious acts of sexual violence by officials in contexts of detention or control not only amount to torture or ill-treatment, but also constitute a particular egregious form of it, due to the stigmatisation they carry^[18]United Nations Human Rights Council. (2008, March 10). Report on the Special Rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, Manfred Nowak. United Nations. … Continue reading”. The call for special attention to women-specific aspects of detention, including the needs of pregnant women and mothers and hygienic needs further stresses the importance of recognising and addressing gender-specific vulnerabilities within the criminal justice system^[19]United Nations Human Rights Council. (2008, March 10). Report on the Special Rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, Manfred Nowak. United Nations. … Continue reading. 

Egypt’s Constitutional Framework and Gender Equality

Under the Egyptian Constitution, Article 51 and 53 affirm that “dignity is the right of every human being^[20]Egypt 2014 Constitution. (n.d.). Constitute Project. https://www.constituteproject.org/constitution/Egypt_2014.pdf” and declare that “citizens are equal before the law, possess equal rights and public duties and may not be discriminated against on the basis of … sex … or for any other reason^[21]Egypt 2014 Constitution. (n.d.). Constitute Project. https://www.constituteproject.org/constitution/Egypt_2014.pdf” accordingly. Despite these constitutional assurances, Article 11 introduces a nuanced contradiction, asserting that “The State shall guarantee coordination between a woman’s duties toward her family and her work in the society, considering her equal to man^[22]Divorced from justice: Women’s unequal access to divorce in Egypt. (2004, November 30). Human Rights Watch. https://www.hrw.org/report/2004/11/30/divorced-justice/womens-unequal-access-divorce-egypt”. This seemingly equalising statement, however, falls short in practice; by condemning women to a second-class status and providing space for the denial of women’s rights, women’s decision-making power is reduced, especially if they are interpreted to be at odds with Islamic jurisprudence^[23]Divorced from justice: Women’s unequal access to divorce in Egypt. (2004, November 30). Human Rights Watch. https://www.hrw.org/report/2004/11/30/divorced-justice/womens-unequal-access-divorce-egypt. Article 55 further establishes that “All those who are apprehended, detained or have their freedom restricted shall be treated in a way that preserves their dignity^[24]Divorced from justice: Women’s unequal access to divorce in Egypt. (2004, November 30). Human Rights Watch. https://www.hrw.org/report/2004/11/30/divorced-justice/womens-unequal-access-divorce-egypt”, explicitly prohibiting torture, coercion, and any form of physical or mental harm, with violators facing legal consequences. 

Despite constitutional commitments to gender equality, the composition of the last two Constitutional Drafting Committees appointed, with women occupying only 5-10% of the positions, raises concerns about true representation in the political and legal sphere^[25]Othman, O. (n.d.). Deepening social justice in Egypt through elections. ACE. https://aceproject.org/today/feature-articles/deepening-social-justice-in-egypt-through. This lack of diversity might help explain the persistence of discriminatory laws disproportionately impacting women, particularly in cases labelled as “moral crimes^[26]Violence has many prisons: a look at women’s experiences in prisons and detention centres in Egypt. (2017, January 11). Nazra. … Continue reading”. Notably, Egyptian law differentiates between the consequences for men and women in adultery cases, where women can face charges regardless of the location in which they commit adultery, while men are restricted to charges only if the act occurs in the conjugal home^[27]Violence has many prisons: a look at women’s experiences in prisons and detention centres in Egypt. (2017, January 11). Nazra. … Continue reading. The punishment for the wife is also harsher if she murders the husband due to his adulterous behaviour, whereas men’s punishment is mitigated under the pretext of “defence of honour^[28]Violence has many prisons: a look at women’s experiences in prisons and detention centres in Egypt. (2017, January 11). Nazra. … Continue reading”.  Additionally, the failure to prioritise a draft law defining and criminalising domestic violence stalled in parliament since 2017^[29]Egypt: Spate of “Morality” Prosecutions of Women. (2020, August 17). Human Rights Watch. https://www.hrw.org/news/2020/08/17/egypt-spate-morality-prosecutions-women, despite partner physical or sexual violence affecting nearly one third of Egyptian women, further highlights the systemic challenges faced by Egypt in addressing gender-based injustices^[30]Egypt: Domestic violence; whether there is state protection for the victims; existence of women’s groups, shelters, or hot-lines. (2005, June 16).  Ref World. … Continue reading. 

Politicising Women’s Bodies

The Egyptian Constitution inadequately addresses the complexities of women’s participation in the political system^[31]Agati, M. (2012, December). Women and equal citizenship: Analysis of the new constitution of Egypt. Aram Forum for Citizenship in Transition. … Continue reading. One may argue that the recent pardoning of 30 political prisoners, out of which no woman was on the agenda of freedom^[32]Ghareeb, R. (2023, September 28). For men only: Presidential pardon does not include female prisoners of conscience in Egypt. Zawia. … Continue reading, reflects a broader trend where women engaged in political activism are disproportionately exposed to detention, harassment and sexual violence due to being perceived as deviations from stereotypical roles^[33]Violence has many prisons: a look at women’s experiences in prisons and detention centres in Egypt. (2017, January 11). Nazra. … Continue reading. Incidents of mass rape targeting women protesters, both by state and non-state actors since the 2011 Revolution, underscore the alarming reality of women being disproportionately targeted due to their political activism^[34]Women sexually assaulted in Egypt protests. (2013, July 03). Aljazeera. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2013/7/3/women-sexually-assaulted-in-egypt-protests, especially since many then face being disowned by their families for contradicting gendered roles^[35]Zaki, H. (2021, March 98). How Egyptian women have broken the stigma around sexual violence. Progressive International. … Continue reading. In fact, although sexual harassment has for long persisted in Egypt, its increasing occurrence since the revolution has been understood as a mechanism to create a climate of fear and intimidation that deters female protesters^[36]Saad, R., & Abed, S. (2020). A revolution deferred: sexual and gender-based violence in Egypt. In Okech, A. (Eds) Gender, protests and political change in Africa. Gender, development and social … Continue reading. Notably, after the violent clearing of the square in 2011, at least 18 women were held in military detention, with reported instances of physical abuse, electric shocks, strip searches, virginity checks, and threats of prostitution charges^[37]Egyptian women protesters forced to take “virginity tests”. (2011, March 23). Amnesty International. … Continue reading. 

The aim of the Egyptian regime to suppress dissent and reinforce women’s domesticity is evident in its segregation of political and criminal prisoners which aims at creating a climate of constant surveillance and intimidation for women protesters^[38]Life in an Egyptian prison. (2015, August 14). Al Jazeera. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2015/8/14/life-in-an-egyptian-prison. Forbidding women activists from sending or receiving letters during visits, employing informers to overhear their conversations while talking to their families, and adopting a 24/7 surveillance system contributes to silencing voices of opposition^[39]Life in an Egyptian prison. (2015, August 14). Al Jazeera. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2015/8/14/life-in-an-egyptian-prison. The issuance of a law banning protests without police permits, coupled with the conviction and imprisonment of female protesters, including girls, in 2013 for participating in a peaceful demonstration, highlights the government’s strategy to silence dissent through the specific targeting of women, even when this is done so peacefully^[40]Egypt must release 21 women and girls jailed for Alexandria protest. (2013, November 28). Amnesty International. … Continue reading.

The evident targeting and suppression of women activists in Egypt underscore a complex web of fears within the regime concerning the political power wielded by women. Beyond a general apprehension toward dissent, the regime appears specifically concerned about the potential empowerment of women challenging the status quo and reshaping societal norms. The inadequate representation of women in Constitutional Drafting Committees, coupled with discriminatory legal practices, suggests a reluctance to acknowledge and empower women in political decision-making processes due to their potential transformative power. In this way, the selective and discriminatory treatment of women in the political sphere reflects a broader strategy aimed at maintaining control over narratives and perceptions that reinforce traditional gender norms, ultimately hindering the realisation of gender equality in the country. In this way, the regime not only employs tactics for simple control, but delves into a more intricate effort to safeguard deeply ingrained power structures.

“Morality”: A New Way of Policing Women Online

Human Rights Watch observed a concerning trend since April 2020, as Egyptian authorities have engaged in an abusive campaign specifically targeting female social media influencers on charges that violate their rights to privacy, freedom of expression, and non-discrimination^[41]Egypt: Spate of “Morality” Prosecutions of Women. (2020, August 17). Human Rights Watch. https://www.hrw.org/news/2020/08/17/egypt-spate-morality-prosecutions-women. This campaign, ostensibly aimed at upholding societal norms, has led to the arrest of at least 15 individuals, including a 17-year-old girl, under vague charges such as violating “public morals” and “undermining family values^[42]Egypt: Spate of “Morality” Prosecutions of Women. (2020, August 17). Human Rights Watch. https://www.hrw.org/news/2020/08/17/egypt-spate-morality-prosecutions-women”. Notably, accusations of producing “indecent^[43]Egypt: Spate of “Morality” Prosecutions of Women. (2020, August 17). Human Rights Watch. https://www.hrw.org/news/2020/08/17/egypt-spate-morality-prosecutions-women” videos have been levied against women singing or dancing despite their fully dressed appearances. In the context of the #MeToo movement, the policing of women online has emerged as a novel mechanism to control women’s behaviour in public spaces. This raises critical questions about the evolving nature of digital control and its implications for women’s use of public spaces.

In July 2020, the prosecutor general officially asserted the necessity to protect  national societal security, not only by prosecuting criminals but by acting as “a guardian of social norms^[44]Activists assail jail terms for Egyptian influencers. (2021, July 09). Reuters. https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/activists-assail-jail-terms-egyptian-influencers-2021-07-09/”. According to the ACHPR, social norms in need of protection must not be derived from one set of traditions, religions or cultures, but rather in light of society’s diversity, and any of these limitations must respect the principle of non-discrimination. However, Egypt’s legal framework exhibits provisions disproportionately targeting women and girls, criminalising them for “public indecency”, “inciting debauchery” and the possession of materials deemed to violate “public decency^[45]Egypt: Spate of “Morality” Prosecutions of Women. (2020, August 17). Human Rights Watch. https://www.hrw.org/news/2020/08/17/egypt-spate-morality-prosecutions-women”, which lack precise legal definitions and thus allow the system to benefit from their ambiguity. 

Furthermore, the 2018 cybercrime law’s restrictions on online content jeopardise the balance between societal norms and human rights standards, indicating challenges in aligning national laws with international commitments. Despite its mandate to empower women and end gender discrimination, the National Council on Women’s has not taken any action to support women’s rights activists facing prosecution and travel bans, or caught in serial arrests, frequently adopting instead a pro-governance stance and justifying attacks on women demonstrators. This dissonance between the government’s obligations and its actions underscores the challenges faced by women seeking justice and equality in Egypt, both online and offline^[46]Fédération Internationale Pour Les Droits Humans. (2014, November 19). Exposing state hypocrisy: Sexual violence by security forces in Egypt.  Fédération Internationale Pour Les Droits Humans. … Continue reading. 

Beyond the legal framework, the recent arrests under the guise of preserving “morality” serve as evidence of President El-Sisi’s government’s broader agenda to reshape the artistic and cultural expression of women in Egypt. This goes beyond combating political dissent and extends to policing any conduct perceived to challenge public morals and societal norms. The focus on “morality” prosecutions often disproportionately targets women, reinforcing the deep-rooted discriminatory practices related to their clothing choices or behaviour. Notably, most of the prosecuted women are reportedly from poorer social and economic classes, introducing an additional layer of social and economic disparity to the discriminatory practices implemented by Egypt’s regime. 

Overcrowding and Inadequate Conditions

In women’s prisons in Egypt, gender-based oppression is intensified by alarming conditions that violate fundamental human rights. A 2015 report from the National Council for Human Rights exposed numerous violations, including overcrowded rooms, medical negligence, and inadequate meals within the prison system^[47]Fahmy, N. (2015, August 24). NHCR discovers violations during visit to Damanhour prison. Daily News Egypt. … Continue reading. A decade after the 2011 protests, the problem persists with women’s jails facing severe overcrowding: female detainees are being placed in twice-capacity jails and are being denied healthcare^[48]Egypt: Detainees in severely overcrowded jails being denied healthcare new report. (2021, January 25). Amnesty International. … Continue reading. Damanhour General Prison, dubbed the “Guantanamo of Al Beheira^[49]Masry, M. (2014, May 22). Damanhour general prison. The Arabic Network for Human Rights. https://www.anhri.info/?p=18695&lang=en”, is a stark example, housing double the intended number of prisoners. The overcrowding, with 3500 women in a facility designed for 1800 endangers lives due to poor ventilation^[50]Masry, M. (2014, May 22). Damanhour general prison. The Arabic Network for Human Rights. https://www.anhri.info/?p=18695&lang=en. Former detainees recount sharing beds or sleeping on the ground due to limited space, even using solitary confinement cells meant for one prisoner for multiple detainees^[51]“What do I care if you die?”: Negligence and denial of health care in Egyptian prisons. (2021). Amnesty International. … Continue reading. The oppressive conditions reveal a systemic disregard for the well-being and dignity of incarcerated women^[52]“What do I care if you die?”: Negligence and denial of health care in Egyptian prisons. (2021). Amnesty International. … Continue reading. 

The National Council for Human Rights (NCHR) notes that the overcrowding in Egyptian prisons prioritises security and discipline over the minimum treatment standards for prisoners. Most prisons in Egypt have become “human warehouses”, which starkly contradicts the Egyptian Constitution’s provisions that must be upheld in practice. The risks of overcrowding, exacerbated during the Covid-19 pandemic, resulted in the impossibility of adhering to physical distancing rules recommended by the World Health Organisation^[53]World Health Organisation. Preparedness, prevention and control of COVID-19 in prisons and other places of detention. (2020, March 15). World Health Organisation. … Continue reading. Amnesty International’s 2020 report highlighted the dire situation, revealing that overcrowded conditions in Egyptian prisons prevented compliance with health recommendations, leading to increased Covid-19 transmissions^[54]“What do I care if you die?”: Negligence and denial of health care in Egyptian prisons. (2021). Amnesty International. … Continue reading. Smaller facilities like Tanta Prison lack bathrooms, which forces women prisoners to use buckets, has gained the nickname of “Segn El Gardal^[55]Violence has many prisons: a look at women’s experiences in prisons and detention centres in Egypt. (2017, January 11). Nazra. … Continue reading” (the Bucket Prison). The systemic overcrowding not only infringes on basic human rights but also endangers the health and safety of incarcerated women. 

The relocation of female detainees to the new prison in Ramadan City in 2023 brought forth a disturbing violation of privacy as a means to deny women their bodily autonomy, condemn them to domesticity and ensure patriarchal dominance. Reports surfaced of authorities installing surveillance cameras inside their cells^[56]Egyptian female detainees: A cry for privacy, dignity and human rights. (2023, July 27). BNN. https://bnn.network/world/egypt/egyptian-female-detainees-a-cry-for-privacy-dignity-and-human-rights/, placing detainees under “an immense amount of pressure^[57]Mansour, T. (2023, July 27). Egyptian female inmates face privacy violations inside prison cells: rights group. The New Arab.  … Continue reading”. This has driven many to remain fully dressed, wearing their veil throughout day and night out of fear of being recorded for footage that will be used against them. Tired of sleeping in shifts to cover each other’s bodies in case any part is exposed, women have raised objections against this invasion of their privacy; however, their complaint to the NCW has received no official comment from the interior ministry, causing further distress amongst the victims and human rights activists alike^[58]Egyptian female detainees: A cry for privacy, dignity and human rights. (2023, July 27). BNN. https://bnn.network/world/egypt/egyptian-female-detainees-a-cry-for-privacy-dignity-and-human-rights/. Ultimately, these efforts aim at transforming women into objects of obedience with total disregard for their agency and bodily autonomy.

Disregarding Women’s Bodies Through Inadequate Healthcare

Discrimination towards women is also prevalent throughout the prison healthcare system; as women’s needs differ from those of men, security authorities purposefully ignore women’s bodily needs to practise more abuse and humiliation against them. As a detainee testifies, “in the Damanhour prison, one of the officers suddenly decided to deprive us from using toiletries without giving any justification^[59]Magdy, S. (2023, April 19). Women in Egypt’s prisons: tales of oppression, abuse and human rights violations. The Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy. … Continue reading”. Combined with the lack of provision of sanitary pads, women are left to contract several skin infections. To have their menstrual needs assured, they are either forced to rely on visitors or to wear pads for longer periods than they should, placing women at risk for skin rashes, urinary tract and vaginal infections, due to the economic barriers posed by the highly inflated costs of pads sold in the prison’s canteen^[60]Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights. (2019, March 08). Period Prison. Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights. https://eipr.org/en/press/2019/03/international-womens-day-periods-prison. Importantly, the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights’ campaign “Period in Prison^[61]Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights. (2019, March 08). Period Prison. Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights. https://eipr.org/en/press/2019/03/international-womens-day-periods-prison” calls on the Egyptian prison authorities to provide, free of charge, sanitary pads for female prisoners. In doing so, it seeks to destigmatize menstruation while pushing towards the recognition of a wider spectrum of bodies in the legal system beyond that of the heterosexual man towards trans men and other non-gender conforming people who may have period needs^[62]Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights. (2019, March 08). Period Prison. Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights. https://eipr.org/en/press/2019/03/international-womens-day-periods-prison.

Paradoxically, while Egyptian law emphasis women’s obligations towards family life and societal values, its prison system contradicts these ideals, ignoring the unique needs of pregnant and breastfeeding detainees, who are supplied with inadequate nutrition and lack access to a gynaecologist, paediatrician, and special care for childbirth. They are left to depend on what they receive in visits or what they can buy from other prisoners, or what they can get through solidarity between inmates. This way, the legal framework supposedly designed to support women throughout family life fails to translate into tangible support for those navigating pregnancy and motherhood behind bars. This raises questions about the regime’s commitment to its purported ideals. It suggests that despite the outward emphasis on familial and societal obligations, the prioritisation of punitive measures over societal ideals takes place, exposing a systemic failure to integrate these principles into the lived experiences of incarcerated women. The result is a flaring irony where women, who are expected to adhere to family values, find themselves at the mercy of a prison system that neglects their unique needs and perpetuates a cycle of disconnection from the very values it purports to uphold. 

Conclusion

The first article of this dossier has explored the several ways in which women’s bodies have become spaces of contestation and rearticulation of power by investigating Egypt’s international legal obligations towards gender equality, its legislative framework and the several ways in which the regime targets women with the aim of silencing dissent and maintaining traditional gender roles. 

It is important to note that even though Egypt ratified several conventions that enshrined the obligation to eliminate discrimination against women, it is important to note that the presence of broad reservations on critical articles raises significant concerns about the country’s dedication to combating gender-based discrimination and expanding women’s participation in public life in accordance with human rights standards. Similarly, the Egyptian Constitution inadequately addresses the complexities of women’s participation in the public sphere despite acknowledging that all human beings must be treated as equal^[63]Agati, M. (2012, December). Women and equal citizenship: Analysis of the new constitution of Egypt. Aram Forum for Citizenship in Transition. … Continue reading.

The disproportionate targeting and suppression of women activists by the regime in several spaces – streets, online, and prison – indicates the several fears it faces concerning the political power wielded by women, conveying the vulnerabilities that compose a naturally fragmented patriarchal regime. Paradoxically, despite the extreme focus on women and family values, the intensified gender-based oppression in Egypt’s women’s prisons perpetuates an exacerbating gap between the values it purports to uphold, prioritising punitive measures over patriarchal ideals.  

After analysing the gaps between the legal framework and current realities, and exploring the ways in which the Egyptian regime aims to disproportionately silence women, the next article will analyse the sexual and gender-based violence occurring in women’s prisons and detention centres as well as the lack of access to justice and will end by proposing some essential recommendations for women’s right to be made visible.

To quote this article : Rosário Frada. (2023). State Violence Against Women in Egypt’s Prisons: Gendering Bodies and Space 1/2. Institut du Genre en Géopolitique. https://igg-geo.org/en/state-violence-against-women-in-egypts-prisons-gendering-bodies-and-space-1-2/

The statements in this article are the sole responsibility of the author. 

To read the second article of this dossier: https://igg-geo.org/state-violence-against-women-in-egypts-prisons-gendering-bodies-and-space-2-2/