Filipino Domestic Workers: The Invisible Workforce Product of Globalization

Written by: Mihiri Wijetunge

Translated by: Abra Rosaline

01/12/2023

Every year, 172,000 Filipino women leave their country to work abroad, seeking better income opportunities to financially support their families, with the majority engaging in domestic work^[1]Les travailleuses migrantes privées de prestations sociales apprennent à épargner aux Philippines. (2019, 6 mars). ONU Femmes. … Continue reading. Most of them travel to countries in South and Southeast Asia and the Gulf states, and subsequently to Northern countries, including the United States, Canada, and various European nations^[2]Asis, M. M. (2018). Aperçu de la migration internationale philippine. Migrations société, N° 172(2), 13. https://doi.org/10.3917/migra.172.0015 . This trend is a result of a situation in the Philippines characterized by chronic underemployment and overqualification of the workforce, particularly among women. Paradoxically, this circumstance leads to the impoverishment of educated segments of society, as despite their access to employment, remuneration remain meagre in comparison to their skills^[3]Mozère, L. (2005). Des domestiques philippines à Paris : entrepreneuses d’elles-mêmes sur le marché transnational de la domesticité. Dans Graduate Institute Publications eBooks (p. … Continue reading. It is within this context, starting from the 1960s, that the state-regulated migration strategy emerged. The Philippines stands out as a “broker state,” having built a “true migration industry that, in 2017, accounted for over 2.3 million Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs), with their remittances making up nearly 10% of the GDP^[4]Debonneville, J. (2019). Mobilités, altérités et imaginaires migratoires : regards croisés sur les migrations des travailleuses domestiques philippines. Civilisations, 68, … Continue reading». 

The archipelago has successfully capitalized on the dynamics of globalization, fostering the rise of migration flows and a new international division of labour, creating opportunities and new forms of exploitation. This centralizes an economic role for women in both the family and national levels. However, this exportation of female labour, while presenting an opportunity for socio-economic advancement, comes at the cost of sacrifices made by women who are often compelled to work for low wages, with their rights not always respected. This situation reflects the inherent ambiguity of globalization, also revealing how the archipelago, in a way, exploits the vulnerability of certain segments of the population, transforming forms of subordination into opportunities. In this context, how does globalization, when examined through the lens of domestic work, perpetuate gender-related power dynamics while enabling Filipino women to be agents of their own destiny?

The reproduction of a neocolonial hierarchy through the gender prism at different levels

The popularity of Filipino domestic workers is the result of constructing a laudable image that serves as a guarantee of work quality. The emergence of this figure suggests the existence of a neocolonial relationship with host countries and reveals the persistence of a colonial framework with Northern countries, forming the core of gender dynamics. A combination of sociocultural elements specific to the Philippines and stereotyped feminine characteristics have contributed to shaping representations by exploiting these traits to meet market demand. They are “valued for presumed qualities such as ‘docility,’ ‘humility,’ ‘adaptability,’ ‘dedication to work,’ ‘good humour,’ ‘family-orientedness,’ as well as proficiency in English and high levels of education; Filipino domestic workers have been the reference since the 1980s”^[5]Debonneville, J. (2019). Mobilités, altérités et imaginaires migratoires : regards croisés sur les migrations des travailleuses domestiques philippines. Civilisations, 68, … Continue reading. While Filipino workers are not subject to a negative perception, the appreciation of their qualities highlights not only an implicit belief in inherent female subordination but also a reproduction of colonial relationships in new forms, invariably associating them with subordinate tasks. This is perfectly illustrated by the 2005 definition in the Merriam-Webster dictionary: “Philippine: 1. A woman or girl originating from the Philippines. 2. Household employee”^[6]Debonneville, J. (2019). Mobilités, altérités et imaginaires migratoires : regards croisés sur les migrations des travailleuses domestiques philippines. Civilisations, 68, … Continue reading. This systematic association of Filipino women with domestic work is dehumanizing, implicitly creating a representation of otherness conducive to the reproduction of socio-economic, gendered, and ethnic hierarchies, as well as identity assignments based on gendered social representations^[7]Debonneville, J. (2019). Mobilités, altérités et imaginaires migratoires : regards croisés sur les migrations des travailleuses domestiques philippines. Civilisations, 68, … Continue reading.

This gendered and ethnic association of domestic work creates a particular form of international division, reproducing colonial patterns by linking characteristics and qualities to ethnic groups without a scientific basis. Filipino workers are thus reduced to both their gender and ethnicity, influencing their migratory paths toward jobs in the care economy^[8]Debonneville, J. (2019). Mobilités, altérités et imaginaires migratoires : regards croisés sur les migrations des travailleuses domestiques philippines. Civilisations, 68, … Continue reading. This observation suggests that, in this case, globalization, instead of rearranging North-South dynamics and establishing more balanced South-to-South relationships, reproduces or even reinforces inequalities.

The Philippines exploits this racialization to respond to the needs of the world economy, as evidenced by the recruitment processes of future migrant workers. The migratory journeys of these women often begin with encounters with agents who direct them to recruitment agencies. These agents, or “headhunters,” operate independently and establish the link between candidates and agencies, charging a fee ranging from 200 to 400 US dollars per person^[9]Debonneville, J. (2019). Mobilités, altérités et imaginaires migratoires : regards croisés sur les migrations des travailleuses domestiques philippines. Civilisations, 68, … Continue reading.

These agents employ various strategies to target candidates, such as regional reputation, further reinforcing the racialization of Filipino workers. For instance, the Ilonggo region is favoured due to its reputation for hosting a dedicated population—considered, “hardworking,” “gentle,” and “polite”—qualities deemed essential for becoming a domestic worker^[10]Debonneville, J. (2019). Mobilités, altérités et imaginaires migratoires : regards croisés sur les migrations des travailleuses domestiques philippines. Civilisations, 68, … Continue reading. Another tactic is to favour economically disadvantaged regions, such as Mindanao, perceived as sources of unemployed individuals. Rural areas are also targeted due to the reputation of finding women accustomed to difficult living and working conditions. By meeting expectations related to the image of the devoted Filipino worker, agencies elaborate and emphasize bodily norms, such as the “hand test.” Rough hands are considered indicative of a woman accustomed to hard work, in contrast to soft and well-kept hands. By promoting these qualities, agents seek to ensure a lucrative transaction by praising the skills of their recruits to the agencies^[11]Debonneville, J. (2019). Mobilités, altérités et imaginaires migratoires : regards croisés sur les migrations des travailleuses domestiques philippines. Civilisations, 68, … Continue reading.

This set of strategies stems from the policies implemented by dictator Marcos in 1974, which institutionalized Philippine migration through his new labour code represented by the Labor Policy Export (LEP), as well as the structural adjustment plans (SAP) imposed by the International Monetary Fund (IMF). This allowed the obtainment of loans and the establishment of an “export industry of “small” manufacturing goods and skilled labour”^[12]Debonneville, J. (2019). Mobilités, altérités et imaginaires migratoires : regards croisés sur les migrations des travailleuses domestiques philippines. Civilisations, 68, … Continue reading to address the economic crisis. The goal was to reduce unemployment, equilibrate the balance of payments, and reduce debt through the foreign currency transfers of these migrant workers^[13]Debonneville, J. (2019). Mobilités, altérités et imaginaires migratoires : regards croisés sur les migrations des travailleuses domestiques philippines. Civilisations, 68, … Continue reading.

As the success of this policy became evident, a true migratory infrastructure was put in place to perpetuate this phenomenon and improve its efficiency. Since the 1980s, new rapidly growing regional players, such as Gulf countries like Saudi Arabia and Kuwait, as well as Southeast Asian dragons like Hong Kong or Singapore, have emerged, stimulating the demand for labour in the care sector and promoting South-to-South migration. Since 2006, emigration has increasingly taken on a feminine dimension, as illustrated by the year 2012, during which more than 155,000 Filipino domestic workers were newly employed abroad, out of a total of 555,000 migrant workers worldwide, making this type of employment the first performed by these workers, surpassing nurses^[14]Debonneville, J. (2019). Mobilités, altérités et imaginaires migratoires : regards croisés sur les migrations des travailleuses domestiques philippines. Civilisations, 68, … Continue reading.

In parallel with this, Filipino women are also subject to family strategies rooted in a sociocultural context. These migrations, often synonymous with sacrifices, arise from a “familialism”^[15]Mozère, L. (2005). Des domestiques philippines à Paris : entrepreneuses d’elles-mêmes sur le marché transnational de la domesticité. Dans Graduate Institute Publications eBooks (p. … Continue reading anchored in filial piety and unwavering loyalty to the family. This deep sense of community imposes on individuals “mutual assistance”^[16]Mozère, L. (2005). Des domestiques philippines à Paris : entrepreneuses d’elles-mêmes sur le marché transnational de la domesticité. Dans Graduate Institute Publications eBooks (p. … Continue reading and “obligations of solidarity”^[17]Mozère, L. (2005). Des domestiques philippines à Paris : entrepreneuses d’elles-mêmes sur le marché transnational de la domesticité. Dans Graduate Institute Publications eBooks (p. … Continue reading toward each member of the family circle. From this duty, it is mainly the elder sisters who give up life plans to meet the immediate needs of younger siblings, as well as nephews or nieces. In difficult economic circumstances, women find themselves on the front lines, sometimes at the expense of leaving husbands and brothers at home^[18]Mozère, L. (2005). Des domestiques philippines à Paris : entrepreneuses d’elles-mêmes sur le marché transnational de la domesticité. Dans Graduate Institute Publications eBooks (p. … Continue reading.

Once abroad, these migrant workers are exposed to risks of exploitation and abuse due to their status as migrant workers and women. According to Carmelita Dimzon, deputy administrator for the Philippine Overseas Employment Administration (POEA), the discrimination experienced by Filipino migrant workers involves “confiscation of passports […], withholding of wages […], poor living and working conditions, denial of access to compatriots and friends, denial of access to medical and health services”^[19]Sayres, N. J. & International Labour Organization. (s. d.). AN ANALYSIS OF THE SITUATION OF FILIPINO DOMESTIC … Continue reading. They may face serious human rights violations such as “involuntary servitude, debt bondage, 24-hour service, deprivation of privacy, deprivation of food, sexual, physical, emotional, and verbal abuse, deprivation of rest day [and] denial of access to essential public services”^[20]Sayres, N. J. & International Labour Organization. (s. d.). AN ANALYSIS OF THE SITUATION OF FILIPINO DOMESTIC … Continue reading. They may also fall victim to trafficking through fraudulent offers of domestic work abroad, forcing them to work in bars or as prostitutes^[21]Sayres, N. J. & International Labour Organization. (s. d.). AN ANALYSIS OF THE SITUATION OF FILIPINO DOMESTIC … Continue reading. A 2006 case study on the trafficking of Filipino domestic workers by the International Labour Organization (ILO) reports the story of two young girls trapped by a man named “Virgie” who made them a fraudulent offer of domestic work in Manila. They were put in a situation of debt, making them dependent on this man who forced them to get involved in a prostitution network.

The globalization of domestic work as a source of opportunities for Filipino women

The choice of labour migration by Filipino women is a response to the lack of opportunities in their country. The conjunction of underemployment crisis and overqualification of the workforce motivates this labour migration. It is therefore essential to take into account the differences in status and sociological profile between the country of origin and destination of Filipino migrant workers. Although they possess skills and expertise as domestic workers, many of them had not held positions in this field before leaving the Philippines. Working abroad as domestic workers can therefore be considered a regression, as this type of employment is often perceived as not matching their skills, reinforcing the stigma associated with this profession. However, the financial gains offer other opportunities, and they can leverage the brand image they represent.

They can benefit from this “ethnic business”^[22]Mozère, L. (2002). Des domestiques philippines à Paris : un marché mondial de la domesticité ? Tiers-Monde, 43(170), 373‑396. https://doi.org/10.3406/tiers.2002.1599 which is the high-end domestic work, specializing specifically in domestic work by women of Filipino origin, to reap personal benefits. There are “economic niches”^[23]Mozère, L. (2002). Des domestiques philippines à Paris : un marché mondial de la domesticité ? Tiers-Monde, 43(170), 373‑396. https://doi.org/10.3406/tiers.2002.1599 where individuals belonging to an ethnic minority can enjoy a form of protection, especially in terms of market competition, while obtaining other advantages. For example, France, and more specifically in Paris, is a preferred destination for these Filipino workers. They often arrive in France irregularly or extend their stay beyond the validity of their tourist visa, but working for affluent employers sometimes provides them with a certain level of protection^[24]Mozère, L. (2004). Des domestiques Philippines à Paris. Journal des anthropologues, 96‑97, 291‑319. https://doi.org/10.4000/jda.1885. These workers, generally employed in favourable conditions, benefit from satisfactory salaries, social coverage, and access to free education for their children if applicable^[25]Mozère, L. (2004). Des domestiques Philippines à Paris. Journal des anthropologues, 96‑97, 291‑319. https://doi.org/10.4000/jda.1885.

In fact, as domestic workers in Paris, they enjoy significantly higher salaries than in the Philippines. Thus, being aware that they can always find work in this specific market, they can materialize their life projects. These projects structure and legitimize the migration process by providing financial support to the family, paying for their children’s education in the Philippines, buying land, real estate, or setting aside funds to start a small business^[26]Mozère, L. (2002). Des domestiques philippines à Paris : un marché mondial de la domesticité ? Tiers-Monde, 43(170), 373‑396. https://doi.org/10.3406/tiers.2002.1599. It is, therefore, different from subsistence; it is a planned migration embedded in a life plan. It is about using migration to their advantage, adopting an initially perceived subordinate position by employers and socially constructed to divert its benefits for their own profit^[27]Mozère, L. (2002). Des domestiques philippines à Paris : un marché mondial de la domesticité ? Tiers-Monde, 43(170), 373‑396. https://doi.org/10.3406/tiers.2002.1599.

Moreover, in the context of their experiences as migrants and metropolitan life, women manage to consolidate their autonomy to some extent. Leaving their family circle for their personal well-being is now perceived in the Philippines as a “legitimate and rewarding choice”^[28]Mozère, L. (2002). Des domestiques philippines à Paris : un marché mondial de la domesticité ? Tiers-Monde, 43(170), 373‑396. https://doi.org/10.3406/tiers.2002.1599. They improve their social position within the community and family by optimizing their financial situation and leveraging the learning of codes and customs of their affluent employers. They also experience various expressions of freedom that lead them to question their personal situation and challenge their hierarchy of values and practices by distancing themselves from those of their home society^[29]Mozère, L. (2002). Des domestiques philippines à Paris : un marché mondial de la domesticité ? Tiers-Monde, 43(170), 373‑396. https://doi.org/10.3406/tiers.2002.1599.

The participation of women in the development process: an improvement in their condition in the Philippines?

The economic and sociopolitical contribution of Filipino women is both a positive force and a double-edged situation. They play a crucial role in improving the socio-economic situation of their families despite gender disparities. In fact, data from the 2022 survey of overseas Filipino workers by the Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA) establish that the majority of Filipino migrant workers are women: out of 1.96 million Overseas Filipino Workers (OFW), 57.8% are women compared to 42.2% men^[30]Survey on Overseas Filipinos | Philippine Statistics Authority | Republic of the Philippines. (2023, 11 octobre). https://psa.gov.ph/statistics/survey/labor-and-employment/survey-overseas-filipinos. Remittances from women are lower than those from men: the total amount sent by women is 60,775 million pesos, equivalent to over a billion euros, compared to 84,623 million pesos, equivalent to 1.4 billion euros for men^[31]Survey on Overseas Filipinos | Philippine Statistics Authority | Republic of the Philippines. (2023, 11 octobre). https://psa.gov.ph/statistics/survey/labor-and-employment/survey-overseas-filipinos. This disparity is mainly explained by the performance of low-skilled jobs, which are less remunerative. Despite this gap, money transfers from women are much more frequent. Moreover, they transfer a larger share of their income, and these funds are allocated to the education and well-being of children. Furthermore, their economic contribution results in positive benefits, with favorable effects on rural development, food security, and human capital^[32]Ang, A. P., Opiniano, J., Franco, J. E., & Sescon, J. (2015). Gender, Migration and Development in the Philippines. ResearchGate. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/)). However, this can … Continue reading. In addition, migrant women workers and their families face structural obstacles to investing in agricultural land, including market access and the absence of favorable local government plans for a migration and development framework. Remittances and investments also have the potential to increase regional inequalities unless they manage to generate jobs for local women^[33]Ang, A. P., Opiniano, J., Franco, J. E., & Sescon, J. (2015). Gender, Migration and Development in the Philippines. ResearchGate. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/.

In fact, remittances lead to a concentration of financial resources among beneficiary families, deepening household inequalities.

In terms of sociopolitical contributions, they contribute to disseminating new forms of politicization in favor of the home country. For example, in Hong Kong, where unions are allowed, the activism and leadership of Filipino migrant workers have been widely documented. Their experiences and knowledge of unionism and advocacy for migrants have also been transferred to the Philippines. The Samahan at Ugnayan ng mga Manggagawang Pantahanan sa Pilipinas (SUMAPI), created by domestic workers from Hong Kong upon their return to the Philippines, collaborated with international development organizations and local civil society groups to promote the Philippines’s ratification of the International Labour Organization Convention on Domestic Work. This Convention was eventually ratified in 2012 and embodied in the corresponding national law, the Kasambahay Law, enacted on January 18, 2013^[34]Ang, A. P., Opiniano, J., Franco, J. E., & Sescon, J. (2015). Gender, Migration and Development in the Philippines. ResearchGate. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/. 

The rise and increasing weight of Filipino migrant domestic workers for the strengthening of their rights

The evolution of the rights of Filipino migrant workers has been marked by a correlation between their growing engagement in foreign employment and the concomitant increase in cases of physical and sexual violence, underpayment, as well as contractual violations and other abuses perpetrated by foreign employers, particularly in Gulf countries and neighboring Asian countries. Faced with the growing share of Filipino migrant workers and the injustices suffered and visible on the international scale, the Philippine government had no choice but to establish new legislation. In response, it enacted the “Republic Act (RA) 8042: The Migrant Workers and Overseas Filipino Act of 1995,” also known as the “Magna Carta for OFWs.” This legislation was hailed as an innovative initiative in Philippine foreign employment policy^[35]Ogaya, C. (2020). The rights movement for domestic workers in the Philippines. Revue internationale des études du développement, N°242(2), 169. https://doi.org/10.3917/ried.242.0169. This legislation ensures the protection of fundamental rights of workers, such as the minimum wage, decent working conditions, and prevention of any form of abuse. It regulates recruitment agencies and provides consular and diplomatic assistance in case of emergencies. Republic Act No. 8042 establishes loan guarantee funds for migrant workers to prevent their exploitation by recruiters, ensuring guarantee coverage for departure aid and family support loans, even in the absence or with insufficient guarantees^[36]Ph, L. R. (2023, 11 octobre). R.A. 8042 : Migrant Workers and Overseas Filipinos Act of 1995 & # x2d ; Law Library & # x2d ; Legal Resource PH. Law Library – Legal Resource … Continue reading.

On the other hand, to meet the demands of the global market while ensuring the rights of migrant workers, a policy of “standardization of skills”^[37]Ogaya, C. (2020). The rights movement for domestic workers in the Philippines. Revue internationale des études du développement, N°242(2), 169. https://doi.org/10.3917/ried.242.0169 was implemented in December 2006. New migrant domestic workers must obtain a national certificate of Household Service NC (National Certificate) II. Furthermore, the Philippine government commits to respecting human rights by setting a minimum age of 23 and a minimum monthly salary of $400 for these workers.

Finally, in this perspective, the Philippine government has established institutional mechanisms aimed at supervising and protecting migrant domestic workers, overseen by various ministries. For example, the Department of Justice (DOJ) is responsible for prosecuting labor violation cases. It notably chairs the Inter-Agency Council Against Trafficking. Within the DOJ, the National Bureau of Investigation (NBI) has two offices that have handled cases related to the situation of domestic workers. The Division of Violence Against Women and Children investigates cases of violence against women and children, including isolated cases of physical violence, harassment, and sexual abuse against adult and child domestic helpers. The Anti-Trafficking Division is responsible for investigating cases of human trafficking^[38]Sayres, N. J. & International Labour Organization. (s. d.). AN ANALYSIS OF THE SITUATION OF FILIPINO DOMESTIC … Continue reading.

The Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD) is another example that provides direct support to victims of physical and sexual violence, trafficking, and child labor through residential services, including counseling and therapy sessions. The national DSWD supervises about 65 protection shelters nationwide. Some of these shelters are reserved for children, while others include “women in particularly difficult situations”. The offices of Social Welfare and Development in local government units also offer protective care, rehabilitation, and training to women and children in local centers. The DSWD also co-chairs the Inter-Agency Council Against Trafficking^[39]Sayres, N. J. & International Labour Organization. (s. d.). AN ANALYSIS OF THE SITUATION OF FILIPINO DOMESTIC … Continue reading. 

Rethinking Opportunities for Filipino Women 

Globalization has opened the door to new economic opportunities with its disadvantages. The government of the archipelago, as well as Filipino domestic workers, has seized the opportunity offered by the global market to improve their family’s situation and address the structural crises facing the country. However, the risk of exploitation, abuse, sacrificing family life, and even dignity raise questions about the nature of this economic opportunity. Women continue to be confined to low-skilled jobs and are often limited by stereotypes associating them exclusively with care work. Yet, many of these women are educated and possess diverse language skills that should make them eligible for more qualified jobs. While the situation of Filipino migrant workers shows signs of improvement, the government must also focus on the reality of less educated local women from rural backgrounds, who hold the same jobs but do not enjoy the same protections and benefits.

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To cite this article: Wijetunge, Mihiri (2023). Filipino Domestic Workers: The Invisible Workforce Product of Globalization. Gender in Geopolitics Institute. https://igg-geo.org/?p=18258&lang=en