Hijras or the Art of Subversion: When Marginalisation is Not Overlooked

Written by: Mihiri Wijetunge

Translated by: Sébastien Tiffon


17/10/2023

On February 15th, 2014, the Indian Supreme Court granted legal recognition of the hijras community under the third gender designation^[1]France. (2014, 15 avril). La justice indienne reconnaît l’existence d’un troisième genre. France 24. … Continue reading. It introduced a new intermediary classification in between the two traditional sexes, allowing trans people to state their identity on official documents. The term ‘hijras’ can hardly be understood or translated as « transgender », « transexual », « transvestite », « hermaphrodite » or « eunuch » as it defines a queer identity specific to a culture and society within a given space. Gayatri Reddy, anthropologist and lecturer at the University of Chicago, contributed to the conceptualisation of hijras, describing them as asexual and gender-neutral individuals evolving outside the traditional gender binary^[2]Reddy, Gayatri. (2003) « Men » Who would be Kings : Celibacy, Emasculation, and the Re-Production of « Hijras » in Contemporary Indian Politics on JSTOR. (s. d.-b). … Continue reading. Hijras are individuals with masculine physical characteristics who wear feminine clothes and who ideally undergo genital removal, seeking a « renaissance » as hijras^[3]Reddy, Gayatri. (2003) « Men » Who would be Kings : Celibacy, Emasculation, and the Re-Production of « Hijras » in Contemporary Indian Politics on JSTOR. (s. d.-b). … Continue reading. Hijras are neither men nor women. They are part of a community living and asserting gender fluidity within a society where the imposed jāti, in other words, the caste, is a sociological reality and where male domination is sacred.
 


Today, this community is subject to contradictory feelings between fear and sacralization, highlighting the complexity of Indian society. It shows us that India does not correspond to the stereotype of a society close-minded about gender diversity and which would have always adhered to heteronormativity. Hijras recognition may be a relevant key to understand Indian society, allowing us to measure and study the evolution of gender norms. How does the hijras community, navigating a grey area between seclusion and legitimacy, highlight the urgent need to rethink Indian society’s strict gender norms?

Hijras’ case: a diagnosis of Indian society through a historical and modern perspective

Today’s disrepute of hijras finds its roots in the colonial process that established the tenets of British hypermasculinity as a dominant norm. Hence, the hijra community has been criminalised under British occupation. Hijras have existed for centuries and have not always lived in disgrace. They have a significant presence and play an essential part in the great Hindu religious texts, serving as a powerful symbol of loyalty to the god Rāma during his exile as they chose to stay with him. Furthermore, under the Mughal Empire, hijras had significant religious authority and high administrative roles, especially within the royal court. Among other things, they were in charge of the security and management of the Emperor’s harem. As part of the recognised third gender, and given their ambiguous position, hijras had the ability to move freely from the Mughal harem’s private sphere to the public one. That constituted a unique situation as they cut across the boundaries between the private and the public spheres within a society strictly divided according to gender^[4]Irfan, Lubna. Servantspasts. (2019, août 12). ‘Third Gender’ and ‘Service’ in Mughal Court and Harem. Servants Pasts. … Continue reading. 
 


Yet, British colonisation enforced strict Victorian mores upon Indian society. Starting in the 1860s, the British Empire established a set of legal codes and common laws in its colonies, including regulations on matters such as sexuality and gender practices deemed as deviant. Settlers, soaked with Christian values, devoted to their civilising mission but unable to comprehend local gender practices, ended up criminalising hijras with the Criminal Tribes Act of 1871. Hijras were consistently associated with homosexual practices and seen as out of control, embodying a threat to the colonial authority and public order. The law of 1871 actively contributed to the seclusion of hijras, labelling them as hereditary criminals subjected to reinforced surveillance, with their personal information registered and exposed to unpunished police violence. As a consequence, hijras were forced into poverty as their belongings and homes were seized, compelling them to resort to mendicancy and prostitution^[5]Goel, A. (2020, 19 décembre). Hijras disposition during British colonization. The Kootneeti. https://thekootneeti.in/2020/12/20/hijras-disposition-during-british-colonization/.
 


However, a significant twist occurred in the middle of the 19th century for hijras when they saw their way of life restored in the context of the anti-colonial movement. Indian intellectuals developed a new reflection on the Indian identity to counter British domination. The notion of gender became crucial and intimately linked with power dynamics. That was due to the symbol of hypermasculinity associated with the British. The British logic established a correlation between sexual domination and political domination. Masculinity rationalised colonisation and their success asserted their superiority. The result of this domination was the feminisation of India, symbolising weakness and submission^[6]Reddy, Gayatri. « Men » Who would be Kings : Celibacy, Emasculation, and the Re-Production of « Hijras » in Contemporary Indian Politics on JSTOR. (s. d.-b). https://www.jstor.org/stable/40971610.
 


That led to a reappropriation of several aspects of hijras’ way of life. Among the most striking examples, Swami Vivekananda, a Hindu monk and philosopher, revived asceticism from the Hindu tradition at the end of the 1880s. Vivekananda developed a “new” masculinity aiming for the rehabilitation of a devalued Indian identity. He emphasised empowerment through the spirituality inherent to the Indian identity, in opposition to empowerment through physical strength as enhanced by Westerners. The lone ascetic figure, the sannyasi, represented the ultimate symbol of this spirituality^[7]Reddy, Gayatri. « Men » Who would be Kings : Celibacy, Emasculation, and the Re-Production of « Hijras » in Contemporary Indian Politics on JSTOR. (s. d.-b). https://www.jstor.org/stable/40971610. Starting in the 1930s, in the same spirit, Mahatma Gandhi, a key figure in the anti-colonial movement, questioned the hegemony of the binary model. Gandhi developed the notion of “dissident androgyny”^[8]Reddy, Gayatri. « Men » Who would be Kings : Celibacy, Emasculation, and the Re-Production of « Hijras » in Contemporary Indian Politics on JSTOR. (s. d.-b). https://www.jstor.org/stable/40971610, promoting the capacity to transcend male/female dichotomy. According to this approach, ambition towards androgyny was considered superior to masculine and feminine characteristics. This concept allowed the deconstruction of the analogy between sexual and political domination and the promotion of nonviolent activism at the same time^[9]Reddy, Gayatri. « Men » Who would be Kings : Celibacy, Emasculation, and the Re-Production of « Hijras » in Contemporary Indian Politics on JSTOR. (s. d.-b). https://www.jstor.org/stable/40971610.
 


A Community at the Interstices of Society: Between Social Pariahs and Nearly Divine Status 


Being part of the hijras community implies living outside society’s normative framework. The marginalisation of this community is mostly due to their refusal to comply with established social norms, especially in rejecting reproduction as the central value. They can neither prosper as women (through marriage or motherhood) nor as men, since they tend to prefer women’s tasks and obligations and to reject conventional masculinity. It is also essential to note that in most cases, they work as prostitutes which is considered as the worst-case scenario for a woman in India. Her value is linked with purity and her status under masculine authority. It is even less conceivable for a man to work as a prostitute. Plus, their lack of dedication to a biological family structure implies they are no longer committed to their family’s material interests or to the perpetuation of their offspring. 
 


Their non-compliance does not necessarily lead to their complete exclusion from society, as they maintain a place and a utility in the distribution of social roles. Their nearly divine status comes along with a role only they can perform. Hijras are considered as being under the protection of the goddess Bahuchara Mata. In some cases, they are almost seen as divinities themselves given their ability to bless marriages and births, especially those who underwent the ‘nirvaan’, that is castration. Mathieu Boisvert, professor of religious studies at the University of Quebec, states that they possess a “highly pure and respected power”^[10]Gwen, Allanic. Les Hijras, troisième sexe Indien, craintes et vénérées. (2021, 5 mars). Journalisme Bilingue Mag. … Continue reading. Hijras interact openly with society. In some states, they are hired as tax collectors given their effectiveness^[11]Brut. (2017, 18 décembre). En Inde, les Hijras sont le troisième genre. Franceinfo. https://www.francetvinfo.fr/monde/inde/en-inde-les-hijras-sont-le-troisieme-genre_2520701.html. That is where lies the paradox specifically to hijras’ case. Even though they are worshipped as beings of purity, their complete integration in the jāti, in other words, the caste, is challenged by their inability to follow the dharma, that is, the natural law and traditional duties. Furthermore, there is an inherent hierarchy among hijras. This hierarchy has impacts on how they are seen within society. On the one hand, badhai hijras are respected as they cultivate their powers through asceticism, renouncing sexuality and the nirvaan. On the other hand, kandra hijras who conflict with badhai hijras as they engage in sex work as prostitutes^[12]Hatzfeld, M. (2017). Les hijras ou quelques flottements de l’identité sexuelle. Chimères, 92(2), 73. https://doi.org/10.3917/chime.092.0073.
 


Nevertheless, hijras’ daily life is scarred by violence. They often suffer ostracism, prejudices, bullying and physical, sexual, and verbal violence. As a result, they develop various survival strategies. For example, in big cities, they can organise themselves in groups similar to gangs, sharing and fighting for territories and neighbourhoods where they beg, work as prostitutes, or sell drugs. Mathieu Boisvert explains that “if a hijra ever encounters a bad payer, they would arrive in groups of fifteen or twenty to deal with him and that would be pretty violent. They are almost like mafias”^[13]Gwen, Allanic. Les Hijras, troisième sexe Indien, craintes et vénérées. (2021, 5 mars). Journalisme Bilingue Mag. … Continue reading. This community may be ostracised but evolves according to a well-established protective order. A particular hierarchy and rituals are differing jāti social practices. They organise themselves around a family organisation based on matriarchy. The “head of the family” or the “mother” is a guru gathering in their house a group of five or ten chela, that is “sisters”. Hijras are often rejected by their families since they cannot be changed or because of their deformity. Hence, they seek refuge in these marginal communities. 
 


More subtle group strategies were also established. They developed their own coded language. It is a means of communication that aims to indicate their presence. This language is characterised by specific gestures such as the “hollow clap” and by the language, meaning screaming and offensive language from several people towards someone who verbally assaulted them. These discursive strategies aim to act in the public sphere as a way to challenge their exclusion from the prevalent society. In case of defeat, they simply disrupt the normative social order and question the notions of respect towards the middle class with their hollow clapping. At the same time, it is a means of defence when a conflict occurs^[14]Mokhtar, S. (2020). Mediating Hijra in/visibility : The affective economy of value-coding marginality in South Asia. Feminist Media Studies. https://doi.org/10.1080/14680777.2019.1706607. 


A culture of transgression: hijras create a space where socio-political norms are questioned 


Gayatri Reddy’s work raises the following question: could hijras’ nonconformity represent an ideal political practice? From this point of view, hijras would have a liberating potential as they would embody a model minority and represent exemplary citizens. This would explain their increasing visibility in the political sphere. Hijras would represent the hope of a new political horizon contrasting with disappointing current political practices in a society filled with endemic corruption, always going after its own interests. They would embody a true “neutrality” as they would not take part in conflicts of interest and nepotism as seen with traditional politics. Without any family connection, assigned gender or caste affiliation, hijras are not influenced by clan-based interests or traditional family values. One striking example occurred at the beginning of the 2000s when a hijra became a member of the regional legislative assembly for the first time. Shabnam, also known as “Aunt Shabnam”, won the legislative elections against their two opponents, members of the Bharatiya Janata Party and the Indian National Congress Party, in the Shahdol district of the state of Madhya Pradesh.
 


Yet, Gayatri Reddy raises awareness regarding hijras’ increasing visibility in the political sphere, as this could aggravate their marginalisation. They may be elected precisely because they do not challenge the status quo of the social and political order, strengthening the hegemonic social and political vision rooted in the Hindu context. The legitimacy of their political authority relies on the symbols taken from the Hindu mythological tradition. Thus, these symbols ironically participate in the marginalisation of hijras as they perpetuate the hegemonic conceptions of sexuality and religion as appropriate moral values. Hence, as they openly assert their marginalisation, hijras are seen, against their will, as a warning of what being out of the normative framework represents. 
 


Plus, their elections would most likely be a way for their opponents to depreciate other politicians, mocking hijras’ (sexual) impotence as an indicator of their efficiency. In other words, they are elected to denounce political derives since they are portrayed as political mockeries. Hence, they are not considered as actual political alternatives. This supports the idea that masculinity goes along with qualification, denying hijras’ agenda and political value^[15]Reddy, Gayatri. (2003) « Men » Who would be Kings : Celibacy, Emasculation, and the Re-Production of « Hijras » in Contemporary Indian Politics on JSTOR. (s. d.-b). … Continue reading. 


Nevertheless, hijras create an alternative space of expression, where difference is welcome, and that could lead to the conceptualisation of a less rigid Indian identity. Hijras’ role would lie in their ability to make the familiar unknown and the unknown familiar. Hijras may constitute a non-compliant figure that challenges the new monolithic order and toxic masculinisation Hindu nationalists try to enforce, even though it is based on a simplistic interpretation of Hinduism. These “impossible subjects”^[16]Tolaini, O. (2016). ‘The Search for Subjectivity : An analysis of Butler’s Temporal conception of gender with specific. . . ResearchGate. … Continue reading highlight the arbitrary feature of these gender constructions and offer the possibility to question them^[17]Tolaini, O. (2016). ‘The Search for Subjectivity : An analysis of Butler’s Temporal conception of gender with specific. . . ResearchGate. … Continue reading. This interpretation of political Hinduism as promoted by the political party in power, the BJP, supports hegemonic masculinity. 


This figure emerges as a response to a double trauma. The first is weakness attributed to India, related to “feminine weakness” according to the British Empire. The second is the anxiety regarding the brutal masculinity and the imaginary liberated sexuality coming from Muslims^[18]Reddy, Gayatri. (2003) « Men » Who would be Kings : Celibacy, Emasculation, and the Re-Production of « Hijras » in Contemporary Indian Politics on JSTOR. (s. d.-b). … Continue reading, embodying the “foreigner”. Hindu nationalism reinforces gender norms as it dictates how men and women participate in the building of the nation. Several Indian nationalists express their commitment to protecting the Bharatmata, the national personification of India as the Mother, leading to the valorisation of physical strength. The use of iconographic elements promoted by the BJP, such as the figure of Rāma and its reinterpretation, allows the masculinisation of Hinduism. Traditionally, this mythological figure is depicted as androgynous with feminine curves, an ethereal being detached from human preoccupations. However, the BJP has changed this image to an aggressive figure with developed muscles, devoted to desire and human violence^[19]Banerjee, S. (2003). Gender and Nationalism : The masculinization of Hinduism and female political participation in India. Womens Studies International Forum, 26(2), 167‑179. … Continue reading. Despite the rise of this masculinist nationalism, hijras succeed in questioning gender normativity as their mere existence disrupts the established order. Their partial integration into Indian society demonstrates a certain resistance in favour of more nuanced and flexible notions of gender and sexuality that match Indian culture and history. Their identity challenges the one promoted by nationalists, often imbued with foreign conceptions they criticise, such as a Western perspective. 
 


In search of the Indian identity, hijras’ presence embodies India’s queer identity. Hijras represent a unique figure that comes from a specific social and cultural background and that questions Western hegemonic conceptualisation of the queer culture. Hijras’ example highlights trans identity’s intersectional aspect, emphasizing the importance of setting aside any hasty generalisation regarding this identity. The increasing presence of the fight for queer people’s rights coming from the West can represent great challenges in India. From the 1990s, Western NGOs and the UN gave important subventions to deal with the HIV pandemic. This intervention turned out to be necessary but problematic at the same time. Feminist and queer organisations tried to counter these interventions as they perceived them as a form of neo-colonial intrusion that enforces Western models of sexuality and conflict. They claim that sexual minorities have always asserted who they are in various contexts without using Western rhetoric. In the Indian context, the issue of gender goes along with issues of caste, religion, and social class. These social and cultural elements are not the same in the Western context, making it complicated and inappropriate for Westerners to come up with a fight for liberation in the Indian context^[20]Hatzfeld, M. (2017b). Les hijras ou quelques flottements de l’identité sexuelle. Chimères, 92(2), 73. https://doi.org/10.3917/chime.092.0073.
 


Once the West admits that hijras’ experience differs from the Western queer’s, what can it learn from India’s queer culture? The subversive aspect of this culture is not the same and is based on different strategies. For example, drag queen shows are meant to challenge norms but are not as subversive in comparison with hijras. Hence, drag queen shows become what Sandeep Bakshi, paraphrasing Judith Butler, describes as a “new idealisation of heterosexual norms without questioning them”^[21]Bakshi, S. (2010). La théorie Queer et les hijras de l’Inde. ResearchGate. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/337592616_La_theorie_queer_et_les_Hijras_de_l%27Inde. Indeed, when she is “overplaying femininity, the drag queen reinforces feminine rigidity and, de facto its opposite, masculine rigidity as she shows straight people excessiveness”^[22]Bakshi, S. (2010). La théorie Queer et les hijras de l’Inde. ResearchGate. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/337592616_La_theorie_queer_et_les_Hijras_de_l%27Inde.

Hijras are more transgressive as they play with their gender fluidity embracing both feminine and masculine elements rather than leaning towards exacerbated femininity. Hijras’ performativity leads to a constant construction and deconstruction of gender norms. Even though both drag queens shows and hijras’ shows are similar in terms of the application of feminine codes, hijras mark a clean break when, “suddenly, they lift their sari or their ghaghra to reveal the absence or presence of genitals”^[23]Bakshi, S. (2010). La théorie Queer et les hijras de l’Inde. ResearchGate. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/337592616_La_theorie_queer_et_les_Hijras_de_l%27Inde. Besides, they assimilate the masculine language register, using their masculine voice and using an offensive tone. On the contrary, drag queens try to maintain the illusion concealing their masculine features even though some drag queens choose to proudly sport these features, such as their beards, for example. Thus, hijras demonstrate the non-relevance of sex and gender correlation as alternative gender frameworks exist outside the Western reference. The notion of gender is fluid and duality is not an objective reality. 


Rethinking Gender With Hijras 
 


Hijras’ existence in India raises essential questions regarding gender norms. This community embodies a unique Indian queer identity that challenges the limitations of the strict gender duality enforced by Hindu masculinists and that questions the hegemonic nature of Western gender concepts. Hijras demonstrate that gender fluidity and non-compliance create valuable societal think tanks. They also claim that the fight for their recognition cannot be done without an intersectional approach that considers conflicts regarding caste, religion, and social class when they intersect with issues specific to gender and sexual identity.

The statements expressed in this article are solely those of the author. To cite this article: Mihiri Wijetunge. (2023) Hijras or the Art of Subversion: When Marginalisation is Not Overlooked. Gender in Geopolitics Institute. https://igg-geo.org/?p=18453&lang=en