Old Women in China: Vulnerability, Discrimination, and Ignored Needs

Written by: Mihiri Wijetunge

Translated by: Célia Roche

29/11/2023

The People’s Republic of China is currently facing an ageing demographic phenomenon of exceptional speed and scale. According to data collected in 2015 by China’s National Bureau of Statistics in collaboration with UNFPA and UNICEF, of China’s 1.38 billion inhabitants, 222 million people are over 59, that is 16.1% of the population. The proportion of people aged 60 and over will increase to 25% and 33% respectively by 2030 and 2050 ^[1]Fourrier, M. (2017). Le vieillissement en Chine, sujet majeur et axe de coopération franco-chinoise. Gérontologie et société, 39 / n° 153(2), 151‑165. https://doi.org/10.3917/gs1.153.0151. This trend is mainly the result of a lower fertility rate and economic growth conducive to improved living conditions and health. These factors have contributed to a fall in the mortality rate and an increase in life expectancy.

A person is defined as elderly people when they exceed the age of 60. However, families and communities frequently use other sociocultural benchmarks such as family status (as grandparents), physical appearance or age-related health conditions to define what it means to be an elderly person^[2]Handbook, U. E. (2020, 18 mai). Older persons. UNHCR. https://emergency.unhcr.org/protection/persons-risk/older-persons. There is no global consensus on when “old age” begins, as perceptions of aging vary according to individuals, communities, and societal contexts. Women and men experience old age when they receive treatment from society that distinguishes them as such^[3]Brief on Violence Against Older Women. (2007). https://www.un.org/esa/socdev/documents/ageing/vawg_brief_on_older_women.pdf.

According to the United Nations, “violence against older women is the result of deep-rooted structural discrimination and inequality, based on the intersection of sex, gender and age. It prevents older women, in all their diversity, from enjoying their rights and freedoms on an equal footing”^[4]La violence sexiste ne disparaît pas avec l’âge : elle passe inaperçue (Experts de l’ONU). (2023, 15 juin). ONU Info. https://news.un.org/fr/story/2023/06/1136132. Indeed, being a woman today is often an inequality per se. Here, the factor of age, which is a form of vulnerability, increases this inequality. In addition, the situation of older women varies according to social and geographical context. China is a society marked by systemic sexism, so women suffer discrimination throughout their lives and especially in old age. It is only in recent decades that efforts have been made to combat these inequalities. To what extent, then, have socio-economic developments and the late awareness of gender inequalities in China contributed to increase the vulnerability of older women?

Urbanization and Modernization of Chinese Society: A Double-edged Sword

This sword of Damocles, the ageing of the Chinese population, represents both a positive point, due to improved living standards, and a new challenge, disrupting the much-vaunted harmony of the generational system based on traditional filial piety. Traditional Chinese culture, deeply influenced by Confucianism, offers guidelines regarding the power, roles, and responsibilities of each family member, especially those of children towards their ageing parents. In return, parents are expected to contribute their advice and wisdom to the harmony of the family and society^[5]National Academies Press (US). (2014, 18 mars). Understanding elder abuse in the Chinese Community: The role of cultural, social, and community factors. Elder Abuse and Its Prevention – NCBI … Continue reading.

This system of family interdependence has functioned for centuries. However, the processes of modernization, urbanization and industrialization that go hand in hand with the increasing integration of individualistic values have led to greater mobility of adult children from rural to urban areas in China. This is leading to changes in family structures and expectations of intergenerational family support for the elderly. This is to the extent that the tradition of filial piety is now framed and monitored by the Chinese government in the form of a legal contract, with violations punishable by law^[6]National Academies Press (US). (2014, 18 mars). Understanding elder abuse in the Chinese Community: The role of cultural, social, and community factors. Elder Abuse and Its Prevention – NCBI … Continue reading. Since July 2, 2013, the Law on the Protection of the Rights and Interests of the Elderly has been enforced, imposing an obligation on family members to look after the psychological needs of their relatives by maintaining regular visits or frequent exchanges^[7]Magazine, C. (2017, 26 novembre). La piété filiale imposée par la loi. Chine Magazine. … Continue reading.

Because of women’s longevity, these changes mainly affect them, making them more vulnerable and exposed to deteriorating health. In 2021, life expectancy at birth in China stood at 78 years, representing an increase of 2 years compared to 2010, with women expected to live up to 81 years and men up to 75 years^[8] World Bank Open Data. (s. d.). World Bank Open Data. https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.DYN.LE00.FE.IN?locations=CN&view=chart. Elderly women are particularly vulnerable due to their dependence on financial, psychological and care support from their families^[9]Huí, Y., Hagedorn, A., Zhu, H., & Chen, H. (2020). Mental health and well-being in older women in China: Implications from the Andersen model. BMC Geriatrics, 20(1). … Continue reading. Because they retire earlier, women contribute less than men and depend on their spouse’s income. This dependence on their spouse is particularly marked in rural areas when young people move to the city to work, leaving elderly parents to live independently and provide mutual support. Consequently, mourning the loss of a spouse can have more serious consequences for the elderly in China than in Western societies. The normalization of the nuclear family model and the introduction of the one-child policy have helped to exacerbate this family dependency. This policy has led to significant demographic imbalances, with fewer children than parents needing to be cared for, and in the event of a child’s death, retired parents find themselves without support. This reality particularly affects women, who find themselves in a situation of greater dependence, as they are generally less well off financially, thus accentuating their vulnerability.

Chinese culture, marked by patrilocality, patrilineality and patriarchy, accentuates the dependence of wives on their husbands. In this context, the disappearance of the spouse, considered the most fundamental and senior member of the elderly family, can have an even more detrimental impact on the economic situation of elderly women, as well as on their psychological and physical health^[10]Guo, Y., Ge, T., Li, M., Wang, L., & Li, J. (2021). Widowhood and health status among Chinese older adults: the mediation effects of different types of support. Frontiers in Public Health, 9. … Continue reading. This underscores the idea that, overall, women are in poorer health than men. On the one hand, older women are more inclined to develop physical health problems. According to data from China Health and Retirement Longitudinal Study (CHARLS), it appears that older women are more likely to report pain: 39% of older women reported experiencing body aches, compared with 28% of men^[11]Perkins-Usc, R. (2013, 31 mai). Older women in China fare worse than men. Futurity. https://www.futurity.org/older-women-in-china-fare-worse-than-men/. Some 32% of elderly women are overweight, compared with 24% of men aged 60 and over. Hypertension affects 59% of elderly women and 49% of elderly men^[12]Perkins-Usc, R. (2013, 31 mai). Older women in China fare worse than men. Futurity. https://www.futurity.org/older-women-in-china-fare-worse-than-men/.

They are also more likely to develop psychological problems. Indeed, widowhood underlines this psychological and emotional dependence on one’s spouse, which has direct effects on their health. According to CHARLS data, older women are far more likely to have higher levels of depressive symptoms, with over 47% of women aged 60 reporting high levels of depressive symptoms, such as restless sleep or feelings of fear, compared with only 32% of men in the same age group^[13]Perkins-Usc, R. (2013, 31 mai). Older women in China fare worse than men. Futurity. https://www.futurity.org/older-women-in-china-fare-worse-than-men/. There are gender-related differences in what affects the mental health of older people. The elements that contribute to psychological stability in men are often more closely linked to financial aspects, while women depend on a social network for their well-being^[14]Huí, Y., Hagedorn, A., Zhu, H., & Chen, H. (2020). Mental health and well-being in older women in China: Implications from the Andersen model. BMC Geriatrics, 20(1). … Continue reading. So, on the one hand, women are more dependent on their entourage, and living longer implies an increased risk of isolation, but on the other hand, developing a community care system helps them to reduce the risk of depression.

Moreover, gender induces behaviours that have consequences for their health. This concerns their perception of their health, which leads to inequalities in access to care. Older women are less inclined to seek medical care, possibly because of the cultural aspect of female sacrifice^[15]Huí, Y., Hagedorn, A., Zhu, H., & Chen, H. (2020). Mental health and well-being in older women in China: Implications from the Andersen model. BMC Geriatrics, 20(1). … Continue reading, and/or because of greater financial constraints than those faced by men. In addition, the responsibility of caring for family members, particularly grandchildren, often falls to older women, which can lead to increased stress levels and less time spent looking after their own health^[16]Huí, Y., Hagedorn, A., Zhu, H., & Chen, H. (2020). Mental health and well-being in older women in China: Implications from the Andersen model. BMC Geriatrics, 20(1). … Continue reading.

The Legacy of Gender Inequality in Older Women

It is important to consider the persistence of gender disparities in later life. Women belonging to the Maoist generation and the early post-Maoist period experienced considerable barriers to access to education compared to their male equivalents, a situation rooted in the heritage of ancient China. In the early years of the People’s Republic of China, only a tiny fraction of Chinese women benefited from formal education. In 1949, the illiteracy rate among women stood at 90%, a figure that had fallen to 32% in 1990, before dropping to 4.1% by 2020^[17]Lu, Y., & Du, Y. (2023). Women’s education in China: past and present. SHS web of conferences, 152, 02001. https://doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202315202001. In 1980, the average length of schooling for Chinese women was 4.2 years, indicating that the majority were content with primary education. By 2000, however, this average had risen to 7.07 years, indicating that most girls were accessing junior secondary education^[18]Lu, Y., & Du, Y. (2023). Women’s education in China: past and present. SHS web of conferences, 152, 02001. https://doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202315202001. This development testifies to the clear success of women’s education in China, marking a radical transformation from a time when, in a patriarchal society, women faced limited formal educational opportunities.

Increased access to education has brought about substantial transformations, with almost 95% of Chinese women now able to read and write^[19]Lu, Y., & Du, Y. (2023). Women’s education in China: past and present. SHS web of conferences, 152, 02001. https://doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202315202001. However, the implications of limited access to education resonate beyond the school benches, impacting professional opportunities and lifelong earnings. Women who have been educationally disadvantaged are likely to face economic hardship in later life, due to their restricted ability to access well-paid jobs. In addition, women with limited education may be more vulnerable to health problems as they age, due to limited access to health information and medical services.

The socio-economic fragility of older women in China is closely linked to the persistent accumulation of gender disparities within the professional world. Among these inequalities emerges a complex panorama, starting with blatant discrimination in the job offers: in 2017, when recruiting civil servants, 13% of positions explicitly specified a preference in favour of the male gender, rising to 19% in 2019^[20]] Mallet-Jiang, S. (2022). La protection juridique des femmes au travail en Chine. Cahiers du MIMMOC, 28. https://doi.org/10.4000/mimmoc.10573. In addition, some jobs display a clear objectification of women by setting criteria related to physical appearance, even going so far as to advertising using this objectification to attract qualified men, illustrated by “tempting”^[21]Mallet-Jiang, S. (2022). La protection juridique des femmes au travail en Chine. Cahiers du MIMMOC, 28. https://doi.org/10.4000/mimmoc.10573 statements such as “opportunity to work with young, pretty teammates”^[22]Mallet-Jiang, S. (2022). La protection juridique des femmes au travail en Chine. Cahiers du MIMMOC, 28. https://doi.org/10.4000/mimmoc.10573.

Other gender-based discrimination affects women, such as discriminatory clauses in employment contracts requiring them not to become pregnant during the term of the contract, whose violation can lead to dismissal for misconduct, thus excluding them from managerial positions^[23]Mallet-Jiang, S. (2022). La protection juridique des femmes au travail en Chine. Cahiers du MIMMOC, 28. https://doi.org/10.4000/mimmoc.10573. In addition, women, particularly those who are pregnant and considered older, remain the first targets for amicable dismissal in the event of a job shortage. Pay inequalities also persist, with a 23% gap between men’s and women’s salaries in 2019^[24]Mallet-Jiang, S. (2022). La protection juridique des femmes au travail en Chine. Cahiers du MIMMOC, 28. https://doi.org/10.4000/mimmoc.10573. In terms of career advancement prospects, women still face limited opportunities, occupying less than 20% of executive management positions within companies^[25]Mallet-Jiang, S. (2022). La protection juridique des femmes au travail en Chine. Cahiers du MIMMOC, 28. https://doi.org/10.4000/mimmoc.10573. 

Moreover, deep-rooted misogyny in the Chinese mindset stigmatizes them as weak and fragile. This perception leads to the exclusion of women from certain jobs, particularly in physical sectors such as mining, manufacturing, or construction, on the pretext of their alleged unsuitability. This exclusion reinforces their economic dependence on their spouses and/or worsens their poverty situation by excluding them from low-skilled jobs.

On top of this, legislation imposes an earlier retirement age on women than on men, with retirement set at 50 for those working in the industrial sector and 55 for those in white-collar and managerial positions, compared to the age of 60 set for men^[26]Mallet-Jiang, S. (2022). La protection juridique des femmes au travail en Chine. Cahiers du MIMMOC, 28. https://doi.org/10.4000/mimmoc.10573. This disparity contributes to the decline of women’s wealth accumulation and keeps them in traditional roles as homemakers. China’s current pension system is closely linked to professional status, with gender considerations influencing wage determination.

These retirement mechanisms thus exacerbate the problem of the impoverishment of older women. It is crucial to note that most women find themselves widowed at an advanced age, due to their generally longer life expectancy than their spouses. This reality exposes them to living alone, often with very modest incomes. The figures underline this glaring disparity: the percentage of elderly men living below the poverty line, set at 261.65 yuan, or around 33.62 euros per month, stands at 9.7% in urban areas, but reaches an alarming 43.1% in rural areas^[27]Huí, Y., Hagedorn, A., Zhu, H., & Chen, H. (2020). Mental health and well-being in older women in China: Implications from the Andersen model. BMC Geriatrics, 20(1). … Continue reading. On the other hand, elderly women in urban areas are three times more likely to fall into poverty than their male counterparts, with 41.1% of them living in extreme poverty in urban areas^[28]Huí, Y., Hagedorn, A., Zhu, H., & Chen, H. (2020). Mental health and well-being in older women in China: Implications from the Andersen model. BMC Geriatrics, 20(1). … Continue reading. In rural areas, this vulnerability is even more marked, where 65.5% of older women live on a monthly income of less than 93.9 yuan, or 12.07 euros^[29]Huí, Y., Hagedorn, A., Zhu, H., & Chen, H. (2020). Mental health and well-being in older women in China: Implications from the Andersen model. BMC Geriatrics, 20(1). … Continue reading.

Prospects for Future Older Women?

One way in which the Chinese government could improve the lives of elderly women is by reforming the pension system. Given that women generally have a longer life expectancy than men, they need more substantial pension benefits to make up for pension inequalities. In fact, if they have more years of public pension benefits than men, pension inequalities perpetuate their precariousness.

China’s rapidly ageing population and declining birth rate have increased pressure on the country’s current pension system. As a result, the 14th Five-Year Plan (2021-2025) takes up the subject to introduce the outline of a reform of the pension system, focusing on the legal retirement age, which has remained unchanged since 1949. According to a report by the Xinhua news agency dated March 5, 2021, the Chinese government has decided to gradually adjust the statutory retirement age in China^[30] Magazine, C. (2021, 12 juillet). La réforme de l’âge de départ à la retraite en Chine. Chine Magazine. https://www.chine-magazine.com/la-reforme-de-lage-de-depart-a-la-retraite-en-chine/. This initiative takes the form of a shift of a few months each year, with the specific implementation adapted to different age groups, without the government giving any further details of the reform^[31] Magazine, C. (2021, 12 juillet). La réforme de l’âge de départ à la retraite en Chine. Chine Magazine. https://www.chine-magazine.com/la-reforme-de-lage-de-depart-a-la-retraite-en-chine/.

Among Chinese public opinion, the idea of reform is not unanimously supported. Some women in China are questioning the appropriateness of the retirement age, expressing their disagreement through legal action against their employers^[32]Courrier International. (2021, 4 juillet). Forcées de partir à la retraite, les Chinoises revendiquent leur droit au travail. Courrier international. … Continue reading. This dissent highlights a divide within the workforce, distinguishing skilled workers, commonly referred to as “white collar”, from workers in more precarious jobs, categorized as “blue collar”. Women in precarious professions claim the right to retire from the workforce at the age of 50, while most female managers and employees prefer to postpone their retirement^[33] Magazine, C. (2021, 12 juillet). La réforme de l’âge de départ à la retraite en Chine. Chine Magazine. https://www.chine-magazine.com/la-reforme-de-lage-de-depart-a-la-retraite-en-chine/.

In addition to pension reform, other projects can be implemented to improve the lot of older women in China. The All-China’s Women’s Federation (ACWF), China’s leading organization for the promotion of women’s rights and interests, founded in 1949, shares these recommendations. Its aim is to represent and protect women’s rights, promote gender equality, and participate in the country’s social and economic development by mobilizing women. ACWF plays an important role in the formulation of policies related to women in China and works closely with the Chinese government. To increase the economic security of older women, ACWF proposes to strengthen their professional skills and offer them opportunities for equitable social participation. In addition, the gender perspective needs to be fully integrated into relevant retirement policies. This means appropriately recognizing the unpaid work performed by women, while reducing gender disparities in old-age pension payments^[34]Elderly women – all China Women’s Federation. (s. d.). https://www.womenofchina.cn/womenofchina/html1/special/Beijing_world_conference_on_women/1508/2565-1.htm.

Another recommendation is to consider the specific needs of older women in terms of medical care and management. This means recognizing that older women are more likely to suffer from chronic illnesses. They have relatively low levels of medical security and make insufficient use of medical facilities and services. To remedy this, older women need to be better educated about common chronic diseases. In addition, it is essential to increase investment in the prevention and treatment of these illnesses within basic public medical service systems, while improving the professional training of healthcare personnel in communities, in order to adequately address the specific needs of older women as a demographic group^[35]Elderly women – all China Women’s Federation. (s. d.). https://www.womenofchina.cn/womenofchina/html1/special/Beijing_world_conference_on_women/1508/2565-1.htm. It is also crucial to establish and improve community service systems for the elderly by increasing the number of day centres and dining halls dedicated to the elderly, while setting up a system of services and care for widowed elderly people living alone. This is intended to ensure their well-being and meet their needs in a comprehensive way^[36]Elderly women – all China Women’s Federation. (s. d.). https://www.womenofchina.cn/womenofchina/html1/special/Beijing_world_conference_on_women/1508/2565-1.htm.

Finally, the empowerment of older women and concrete measures to support their social participation are highlighted. The government must recognize the contributions made to the family and society by retired healthy women. Consequently, the government should offer them more opportunities and platforms for active participation as a group, by developing favourable policies in this respect. Various grassroots women’s and seniors’ organizations should explore how best to organize and guide older women to play an active role in the management of social and public affairs. This would give them more opportunities to participate in social development and share in the fruits of social progress^[37]Elderly women – all China Women’s Federation. (s. d.). https://www.womenofchina.cn/womenofchina/html1/special/Beijing_world_conference_on_women/1508/2565-1.htm.

Integrating a gender perspective into the response to China’s demographic challenge

The acceleration of the ageing process within the Chinese population highlights new societal concerns, particularly detrimental to a specific segment of society, namely women. This phenomenon highlights gender inequalities within a demographic that is often neglected, contributing to a lack of awareness of their particular needs. China maintains a patriarchal and sexist model that persists from birth to death. It therefore becomes imperative to consider the specific discrimination at each stage of life to achieve equality, given their interconnection and accumulation in old age. To meet this challenge, China must address these specific issues from a gender perspective.

The contents of this article are the exclusive responsibility of the author.

To cite this article: Mihiri Wijetunge. (2023) Old Women in China: Vulnerability, Discrimination, and Ignored Needs. Gender in Geopolitics Institute. https://igg-geo.org/?p=18468&lang=en