In Kashmir, Women’s Mobilizations in Reaction to the Consequences of Conflict 2/2

12/03/2024

Written by: Mathilde Pichot

Translated by: Zoé Llacer 

Faced with violence, Kashmiri women have been taking collective action since independence. Numerous women’s organisations have emerged in the region, with a wide variety of forms and demands. While some have chosen to follow in the footsteps of Islamist separatist movements, the majority of them take peaceful action and organise to promote women’s emancipation. This article analyses the variety and different repertoires of action of women’s movements in Kashmir.

The little-known role of women’s separatist groups in the Resistance

As early as 1947, with the Women’s Self Defence Corps (WSDC), some of the first Kashmiri women’s movements chose to take part in the armed struggle to counter the arrival of the Indian army^[1]Neogi, D. (2022) Women’s struggles in the Kashmir militancy war, Journal of International Women’s studies, 23(6), https://vc.bridgew.edu/jiws/vol23/iss6/4. Perceived as a threat to the central government, the two best-known current women’s separatist movements, Dukhtaran-e-Millat (DeM), ‘Daughters of the Nation’, and Muslim Khawateen Markaz (MKM), ‘Assembly of Muslim Women’, are categorised as terrorist organisations by Delhi. Their activities are regularly monitored by the security forces, and their leaders have been arrested and detained on several occasions. Affiliated with the Hurriyat Conference, a political alliance bringing together the main separatist movements in Kashmir, they are accused in particular of providing logistical support to radical Islamist groups (transfer of funds, arms trafficking^[2]Lavoie, D. (2012) Défis et opportunités pour l’Empowerment et la mobilisation des femmes : le cas du conflit armé au Cachemire, Ecole Nationale d’Administration publique, Québec. … Continue reading).

The DeM has been a pro-Pakistan organisation since it was founded in the 1980s. The aim of its founder, Asiya Andrabi, is to help Islamabad regain control over the whole country by supporting regional terrorist groups^[3]Lavoie, D. (2012) Défis et opportunités pour l’Empowerment et la mobilisation des femmes : le cas du conflit armé au Cachemire, Ecole Nationale d’Administration publique, Québec. … Continue reading. Defining herself as an ‘Islamic feminist’, she has managed to rally around 500 active members^[4]Parashar, S. (2011). Gender, Jihad, and Jingoism: Women as perpetrators, planners, and patrons of militancy in Kashmir. Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 34(4), 295 317. … Continue reading to her cause by playing on the anti-Indian sentiment that is so prevalent in the region. Indeed, the many cases of violence perpetrated by the Indian army against women have prompted many of them to join the armed struggle, so as to be able to defend themselves in the face of the assaults they have suffered. However, among the Kashmiri population, the movement remains generally unpopular because of the question of attachment to Pakistan. Above all, Kashmiris want a free and independent Kashmir, and do not identify with either the pro-Pakistani armed struggle or the demands of the nationalist Indian government^[5]Parashar, S. (2011). Gender, Jihad, and Jingoism: Women as perpetrators, planners, and patrons of militancy in Kashmir. Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 34(4), 295 317. … Continue reading. Moreover, the religious fundamentalism advocated by the DeM (imposition of the burqa, segregation of public spaces between men and women) is rejected by the vast majority of Kashmiri women.

For its part, the Muslim Khawateen Markaz (MKM) is campaigning for an independent Kashmir. In the 1990s, its members took part in a number of violent actions, including organising the kidnapping of Rubaiya Sayeed, daughter of the Indian Home Minister at the time^[6]Parashar, S. (2011). Gender, Jihad, and Jingoism: Women as perpetrators, planners, and patrons of militancy in Kashmir. Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 34(4), 295 317. … Continue reading. But in recent years, the organisation, renamed Tehreeki Khwateen Kashmir (TKM)^[7]Tehreeki signifiant « motivation », « mouvement » seems to have evolved its repertoire of actions. The movement’s founder, Anjum Zamarud Habib, is involved in discussions to stop the violence. She regularly questions the UN about human rights abuses in the region, and calls for a tripartite dialogue between India, Pakistan, and the Kashmiri government^[8]Bhat, F. (09/12/2019) A Kashmiri Woman’s Lifetime Struggle for Azadi. Conversation with Anjum Zamarud Habib, Kashmir Lit. https://kashmirlit.org/dreaming-of-azadi/. Unlike the DeM, which opposed the attempts at a peace process launched in the 2000s, the TKM is a political movement campaigning for a peaceful solution to the conflict. Today, the main form of action used by its members is the organisation of marches and demonstrations. Several of these were organised near the United Nations offices in Srinagar to protest the arrest of Hurriyat Conference activists^[9]Alamy. (August 2008) Indian policewomen detain an activist of Muslim Khawateen Markaz, or Muslim Women’s Center, Alamy.com and to demand the release of prisoners.

However, the landscape of organisations in which women are involved is not limited to the mobilised groups classified by Delhi as ‘terrorist organisations’ because of their more frontal challenge to India’s military occupation and repression. These organisations and other associations implement a varied repertoire of actions, such as mobilisations in favour of human rights, demonstrations in public spaces, training on their fundamental rights and microfinance activities that strengthen the protection of Kashmiri women.

Women’s peaceful activism for justice and victim support

In recent years, a number of women have emerged on the local Kashmiri political scene. Such is the case of Mehbooba Mufti, daughter of former Indian Home Minister Mufti Mohammad Sayeed, with whom she founded the Jammu & Kashmir People’s Political Party (J&K PDP). She was the first woman to become Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir following the death of her father in 2016. However, there are still very few examples of women being appointed to positions of power, and those who do become involved in politics are relatively poorly perceived. They are generally only respected when they succeed in gaining a foothold in the upper echelons of power^[10]Bhat, F. (09/12/2019) A Kashmiri Woman’s Lifetime Struggle for Azadi. Conversation with Anjum Zamarud Habib, Kashmir Lit. https://kashmirlit.org/dreaming-of-azadi/. However, it is interesting to note that in the 2008 elections in Jammu and Kashmir, women accounted for 60% of voters^[11]Lavoie, D. (2012) Défis et opportunités pour l’Empowerment et la mobilisation des femmes : le cas du conflit armé au Cachemire, Ecole Nationale d’Administration publique, Québec. … Continue reading. Female role models in politics seem to be leading to an increase in political awareness among women in Kashmir. The role of women’s associations and organisations fighting against gender-based violence is also a factor that may explain the increased politicisation of Kashmiri women.

A number of associations are working to address the problems caused by the conflict in the daily lives of Kashmiri women. These associations work with the families of victims to help them access their rights, prepare their cases for possible trial, and provide psychological support^[12]Pandit, N. (2022). Re-membering: tracing epistemic implications of feminist and gendered politics under military occupation, Feminist Theory, 24(1), 102-122. https://doi.org/10.1177/14647001221084888. Among them, the Association of Parents of Disappeared Persons (APDP)^[13]Association of parents of disppeared persons. (2020). A movement against enforced disappearances. https://apdpkashmir.com/, and the Association of Families of Kashmiri Prisoners (AFKP) document numerous cases of disappearances, torture, and illegal arrests. This has earned them threats from the Indian intelligence services. In October 2020, for example, the APDP’s offices and the homes of several activists were searched^[14]Pandith, M., Chitra, C. (2019) The Curfewed nights by Basharat Peer and the half mother by Shahnaz Bashir depict the women as part of resistance movement of Kashmir, IOSR Journal Of Humanities And … Continue reading. On the international stage, the APDP is also fighting to call on India to respect its commitments under the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance (signed by Delhi in 2007).

Several feminist groups have also set up meeting places based on the shared experience of Kashmiri women. This helps to strengthen the bonds of solidarity between victims of the conflict. These organisations also provide support for the families of direct victims (people who have disappeared or been imprisoned), but they also carry out important documentation and remembrance work by distributing written material that serves as support for families when they take legal action. For example, the APDP is working with the feminist group Zanaan Wanaan^[15]Zanaan Wanaan. (2021), New beginnings, radical possibilities. https://zanaanwanaan.com, “Women speak”, which was set up after tensions flared up in Kashmir in August 2019. This collective organises events bringing together activists, writers, and intellectuals to document Kashmiri memory and counter the Indian nationalist discourse. The APDP and Zanaan Wanaan regularly organise peaceful demonstrations, notably every 30 August on the International Day of Victims of Enforced Disappearances^[16]Pandith, M., Chitra, C. (2019) The Curfewed nights by Basharat Peer and the half mother by Shahnaz Bashir depict the women as part of resistance movement of Kashmir, IOSR Journal Of Humanities And … Continue reading. In the same vein, journalist and activist Asia Jeelani launched the Kashmiri Women’s Initiative for Peace and Disarmament (KWIPD) in 2002, with the aim of internationalising the issue of the militarisation of Kashmir and its impact on women’s lives. For several years, KWIPD published a quarterly magazine, ‘Voices unheard’, which featured the testimonies of Kashmiri women who were victims of the conflict^[17]Wanaan, Z. (05/12/2021) Aasia Jeelani- a kashmiri feminist trailblazer. Zanaan Wanaan. https://zanaanwanaan.com/issues/aasia-jeelani-a-kashmiri-feminist-trailblazer/.

Thanks to these peaceful movements, many Kashmiri women have been able to receive support and have had their difficulties highlighted. But in order to achieve better living conditions, women also need opportunities to improve their economic situation.

Microfinance programmes promoting economic emancipation

Microfinance programmes have become classic tools in the fight against extreme poverty in India. For several years, they have been encouraged by the government of Jammu and Kashmir, which uses them as a means of promoting economic development and inclusion. A wide variety of programmes have been set up, some specific to particular sectors of activity (handicrafts, agriculture), others targeting a certain section of the population (illiterate people, for example). In Kashmir, it is women, mainly in rural areas, who are the main beneficiaries (in 2017, they accounted for around 80% of loan recipients^[18]Shawl, S. (2017) An Analysis of Microfinance in Kashmir, SMS Journal of Entrepreneurship & Innovation, 4 (1), 39-54. https://doi.org/10.21844/smsjei.v4i01.10800). This is because they are generally more affected by unemployment and precarious situations.

Jammu & Kashmir Bank began using microfinance in 2006, in partnership with the NGO Kashmir Women’s Credit Cooperative Ltd (KWCCL). This NGO has played a major role in promoting the roll-out of these programmes across rural Kashmir, by informing women about the existence of micro-credit^[19]Shawl, S. (2017) An Analysis of Microfinance in Kashmir, SMS Journal of Entrepreneurship & Innovation, 4 (1), 39-54. https://doi.org/10.21844/smsjei.v4i01.10800. In return, the banks provide financial support to the NGOs for their communication and information work with the population. Many women have been granted loans to launch their businesses, but also to finance their children’s education. According to Nighat Pandit, President of the KWCCL, the aim is for Kashmiri women to become financially independent, and to be able to play a greater role in decision-making within the home. It’s true that access to these programmes allows social roles to evolve for the women who benefit from them. However, micro-credit policies are implemented by NGOs in partnership with banks, which are part of the for-profit private sector. For the banks that develop them, the primary objective is therefore to integrate marginalised people into the banking system in order to broaden their customer base^[20]Guérin, I., Fouillet, C., & Palier, J. (2007) La microfinance indienne peut-elle être solidaire ? Tiers-Monde, 190(2), 291. https://doi.org/10.3917/rtm.190.0291. Moreover, these schemes are not neutral in their political orientation since they advocate a policy of putting people to work.

Another microfinance tool, which differs from traditional micro-loans, has a more social objective. Self-help groups (SHGs) generally bring together 10 to 20 women to give them access to a larger loan and enable them to set up a joint activity. The SHGs have proved to be a good alternative for women, unlike the economic schemes launched by the Jammu and Kashmir government, which have been of little benefit. Unlike micro-credit schemes, which encourage people to take out bank loans to increase the consumption of the poorest, this is a tool that helps to strengthen social ties. In Kashmir, many widows and wives of the disappeared have been able to benefit from these programmes and regain access to paid employment, while sharing this experience with other women. Most of the activities launched as part of the SHGs in Kashmir are linked to the rural sector (animal husbandry, market gardening), but also to weaving and embroidery^[21]Irshad, A., Bhat, A. (2015) The vitality and the role of self help groups (SHGs) in women upliftment: special reference to Kashmir. International journal of research – granthaalayah, 3(8), 105 110. … Continue reading. These are activities traditionally assigned to women, and still adhere to gender stereotypes. It should be noted, however, that beyond the financial aspect, women’s participation in SHGs is a powerful tool for social and political emancipation. Membership of SHGs has been shown to boost self-confidence through belonging to a group. In addition, women who belong to an SHG are more involved in politics and more likely to vote in elections^[22]Irshad, A., Bhat, A. (2015) The vitality and the role of self help groups (SHGs) in women upliftment: special reference to Kashmir. International journal of research – granthaalayah, 3(8), 105 110. … Continue reading. Women who previously consulted their husbands or in-laws now vote according to their own choices. These women are more politically involved because they have access to more information on local or regional issues^[23]Khan, S. T., Bhat, M. A., & Sangmi, M. (2020) Impact of Microfinance on Economic, Social, Political and Psychological Empowerment: Evidence from Women’s Self-help Groups in Kashmir Valley, … Continue reading.

Nevertheless, there is still a lack of knowledge about access to SHGs. Women who have benefited from these programmes also complain of a lack of training in running a business. SHGs in Kashmir therefore still have great potential for improvement, and their deployment could be encouraged by access to vocational training. In 2004, for example, the South Asia Foundation (SAF) launched the SAF Madanjeet Singh scholarship scheme for women entrepreneurship development in Jammu & Kashmir state^[24]South Asia Foundation (2017) Project Proposal for re-grouping of SAF-Madanjeet Singh Scholarship Scheme for Women Enterpreneurship Development in J&; K State. https://www.southasiafoundation.org/. Initiated by the Pakistani diplomat Madanjeet Singh, this programme has enabled a number of women to receive training thanks to a scholarship. They were able to attend the University of Jammu and Kashmir in Srinagar for the duration of the training, and then return to their village and open their own business. Vocational training centres have also been opened in some villages^[25]South Asia Foundation (2017) Project Proposal for re-grouping of SAF-Madanjeet Singh Scholarship Scheme for Women Enterpreneurship Development in J&; K State. https://www.southasiafoundation.org/.

SHGs are therefore a vector of emancipation for Kashmiri women, but caution is needed, as in some cases women’s economic empowerment can create tensions within the couple, leading to an increased risk of domestic violence.

What does the future hold for Kashmiri women?

Between participation in the armed struggle, political militancy and peaceful actions, the mobilisation of women in Kashmir is representative of the complexity of this conflict, which has lasted for more than 70 years. In the face of exacerbated nationalism and without any real political will on the part of the Indian and Pakistani governments, it is difficult to hope for any structural improvement in the human rights situation in the region.

The development of women’s collectives enables many women to gain access to emancipating resources and opens up prospects for them in the face of the traditional social roles assigned to them. However, this is a long and complex process that requires support and financial backing from the international community. It also requires the negotiation of new areas of integration for these women, which is difficult to achieve in societies that are still extremely conservative. Continuing the work of NGOs and associations is therefore essential.

These organisations should also be seen as vehicles for emancipation and recognition of the political work they carry out. For example, the mobilisation of Kashmiri women could, like the Tamil women’s movement in Sri Lanka, be taken to the United Nations Human Rights Council. The adoption of a resolution recognising the sexual violence to which Kashmiri women have been subjected since independence would send a strong signal to the Indian government to investigate and prosecute these acts.