French Femonationalism, or the development of a national identity through patriarchal order

22.07.2022

Written by: Marion Diette

Translated by: Elise Mckeever

On 5 September 2021, outraged by a feminicide, Marine Le Pen, former president of the Rassemblement National, spoke of the ‘Talibanisation of certain neighbourhoods’ and stated that ‘mass immigration results in communitarianism and the terrifying retreat of women’s rights’ [free translation]^[1]John Timsit, ‘Shaina’s murder: the right and the RN speak out against a “Talibanisation” of France’, Le Figaro, 06/09/21, URL: … Continue reading.In line with these remarks, a politician belonging to the same political party added that ‘when you bring in millions of immigrants, you also bring in their morals’ [free translation]^[2]ibid.. With these arguments, they attribute violence against women to others, in this case, to people of immigrant origin. In such discourses, women’s rights are set up as constitutive elements of the French Republic in order to justify racist measures and remarks, and/or to oppose practices considered undesirable because of their perceived sexist origin and character. Thus, this article aims to analyse ‘femonationalism’; a concept that describes these phenomena in particular. Developed by Sara Farris, femonationalism is defined as ‘the contemporary mobilisation of feminist ideas by nationalist parties and neo-liberal governments under the banner of war against the supposed patriarchy of Islam in particular, and of Third World migrants in general’ [free translation]^[3]FARRIS, Sara, ‘Femonationalism and the ‘Reserve’ Army of Labor Called Migrant Women’, History of the Present, no.2, vol.2, 2012, pp. 184-199; Translated from the English by … Continue reading. The critique of veiling as a practice that subjugates women and threatens national identity, as a compelling example of how femonationalism manifests, will be the case study on which this paper is constructed. The intention is to examine the power relations at work within French femonationalism. Specifically, it is about understanding how the deployment of feminist causes contributes to the domination of particular powers within French culture, and to the reproduction of patriarchal logics – and this in a state where feminist movements are repressed.

Manifestations of femonationalism: the veil as an enemy of the French Republic

In the summer of 2016, several mayors issued decrees outlawing the wearing of the burkini on beaches [free translation]^[4]‘Burkini: The mayor of Cannes bans religious clothing at the beach’, Le Monde, 11/08/16, URL: … Continue reading. These bans were supported by the prime minister at the time, Manuel Valls, who considers the burkini to be an object reflecting ‘the enslavement of women’ and which ‘is not compatible with the values of France and the Republic’ [free translation]^[5]‘Nice bans the burkini on its beaches’, Le Monde, 19/08/16, URL: https://www.lemonde.fr/societe/article/2016/08/19/nice-interdit-a-son-tour-le-burkini-sur-les-plages_4985067_3224.html. On 11 October 2019, an elected member of the Rassemblement National asked a mother accompanying a class of pupils on a school trip to the Regional Council of Burgundy-Franche-Comté to remove her veil ‘in the name of Republican principles, and also in the name of all the women in the world who are struggling to extricate themselves from Islamic dictatorship’ [free translation]^[6]‘Veiled woman at the Burgundy-Franche-Comté regional council: a fundamental problem that has not been resolved says Julien Odoul’, Franceinfo, 17/10/19, URL: … Continue reading. These situations reflect a perception of the veil as a symbol of hostility to the French Republic. It is presented as contrary to the principle of secularism, defined not only in the terms of the 1905 law^[7]The law of 1905 established a separation between church and state. According to this law, secularism is defined (on the French government website accessible with the following URL: … Continue reading, but from the conception of a ‘new secularism’ – proposed in the Baroin report of 2003^[8]The 2003 Baroin report is available at the following URL: https://www.voltairenet.org/rubrique506.html?lang=fr. – which consists of the neutrality of citizens with regard to religion, and the idea that religion should be returned to the private sphere [free translation]^[9] BARD, Christine, ‘Feminism is secular’ in Feminism. 150 years of preconceived ideas. Paris, Le Cavalier Bleu, 2020, p. 239-252..

Secularism therefore becomes a pillar for the emancipation of women, guaranteeing freedom from the coercion traditionally represented by religion. The veil is presented as an object of subjugation of women by its perception as a constraint imposed on women by men. By ‘submitting’ to this constraint, women do a disservice to the feminist causes presented as values of the French Republic. Indeed, ‘the veil has been constructed as an anomaly within the French Republic, a religious sign that would offend the common sense of gender equality and secularism as a constitutive value of the West’ [free translation]^[10]BENTOUHAMI, Hourya, ‘Feminisms, the veil and French secularism’, Socio, n°11, 2018, p.117-140.. These arguments are manifestations of a femonationalism, used to defend a national identity in the face of the risk represented by otherness – in this case, by the wearing of the veil by women.

From one feminism to another, for French universalism

In France, femonationalist discourses are similar to those of nationalist feminism. S. Farris reminds us that femonationalism should not be seen as an alliance with feminists^[11]Ibid, p.2. She explains that the reasons for feminists’ opposition to the veil are different from those of feminonationalism. Femonationalism consists of defending a national identity by mobilising feminist causes, whereas nationalist feminism, as illustrated by the claims of the Némésis collective, is concerned with defending the rights of Western women against ‘the dangerous impact of mass immigration’ by promoting ‘European civilisation […] as the cradle of their fulfilment’ [free translation]^[12]Presentation of this nationalist feminist collective is accessible at the following URL: https://collectif-nemesis.com/notre-manifeste/. The aim is to combat foreign cultures, particularly Arab-Muslim ones, which are presented as sexist, by promoting the European and particularly the French model. These feminists advocate the unveiling of bodies as a principle of emancipation and freedom for women, while condemning their objectification in the audio-visual media, where they are exposed naked^[13]HANCOCK, Claire, ‘The Female Body as a Geopolitical Issue in Postcolonial France’, L’Espace Politique [Online], n°13, vol.1, 2011, URL: … Continue reading. This contradiction is the result of a Western-centric conception of women’s rights that tends to be universalist^[14]VERGÈS, Françoise, ‘Decolonial feminisms, social justice, anti-imperialism’, Tumultes, n°48, vol.1, 2017(a), p.157-168.. They present the West, and France in particular, as the good model of civilisation for the emancipation of women based on the defence of the value system of the Republic. So, it is a question of ‘altering sexism’ and patriarchy by assigning it to the other [free translation]^[15]BENTOUHAMI, Hourya , ‘Feminisms, the veil and French secularism’, Socio, n°11, 2018, p.117-140.. The other is not only a foreign person, but also, and above all, a person who carries a culture presented as foreign, whose practices do not seem to resemble Western standards. In a model of indifference to differences, where individuals are citizens respecting a neutrality, devoid of particularity, the other represents a threat to the balance of this republican model.

By attempting to defend feminist causes, individuals involved in a femonationalist approach (re)produce power relations on a transnational scale. They rank societies and cultures, presenting the French one as the best model. This is a reproduction of power relations insofar as the French model is a legacy of its colonial past, which led to this hierarchisation. Its vestiges continue to influence representations and to determine France’s privileged place in these relations through dynamics of domination that are historically to its advantage^[16]KILANI, Mondher, ‘It is necessary to deconfessionalise secularism. Religion still permeates the imagination’, Journal of anthropologists, n°1, vol.100-101, 2005, p.37-48.. Femonationalism is based on universalist arguments, a Western-centric frame of reference, and the defence of a hegemonic conception of freedoms, particularly the emancipation of women, using women as arguments and targets.

Gendered assimilation: women as targets

Femonationalist discourses are built on the defence of a national identity by proposing a common system of values around which an issue of assimilation is formed. Indeed, ‘by invoking the ‘values of the Republic’, one may in fact mean that ‘French identity’ is based on a set of ‘manners’ and ‘customs’ that constitute a ‘culture’, a ‘way of life’ that is mostly observed by the ‘national community’ and to which those who wish to be part of it should ‘assimilate’’ [free translation]^[17]PELABAY, Janie, ‘Chapter 8 – The Republic of “values”: between public and private, what citizen link?’ in Pascal Perrineau, ed, The Democracy of the Self. Sciences Po Press, … Continue reading. This issue of assimilation underlies the femonationalism that operates in a context of migration and, in particular, the geopolitical context of the chain of care^[18]Care is generally defined as ‘caring’. It includes activities related to care in terms of work and refers to the norms of femininity which consist in taking care of, caring for and … Continue reading, according to Farris^[19]FARRIS, Sara, ‘Femonationalism and the ‘Reserve’ Army of Labor Called Migrant Women’, History of the Present, no.2, vol.2, 2012, pp. 184-199.. Care consists of care activities that are assigned to women and mostly performed by women of immigrant background. Assimilation is effective if women adopt the norms of Western femininity. By abandoning the veil, they validate the myths of the French nation as one of human rights and equality^[20]SENAC, Réjane, ‘The mythology of equality: between republican values and feminism of otherness’, Powers, vol.173, n°2, 2020, pp. 89-100. between all, contributing to its influence. If not, they jeopardise it and are seen as ‘victims of their own culture’ [free translation]^[21]FARRIS, Sara, ‘Femonationalism and the ‘Reserve’ Army of Labor Called Migrant Women’, History of the Present, no.2, vol.2, 2012, pp. 184-199..

Femonationalists present themselves as defenders of women’s rights while labelling women as potential enemies of the republic. Indeed, by criticising the wearing of the veil, women are stigmatised for adopting practices that are the result of sexist and oppressive behaviour that, these defenders describe, as being that of men^[22]ROUX, Patricia; GIANETTONI, Lavinia; PERRIN, Céline, ‘Feminism and racism. An exploratory research on the basis of the divergences concerning the wearing of headscarves,’ New Feminist Questions, … Continue reading.

Thus, ‘it is in the name of feminism that veiled women are punished, with the paradox that emancipation is achieved through ‘unveiling’, the veil being associated both with the signs of exogenous male domination, reduced to the cultural specificity of Islam, and with the false consciousness of these women who would be mistaken in finding their salvation in religion rather than in allegiance to the dress codes of republican neutrality’ [free translation]^[23]BENTOUHAMI, Hourya , ‘Feminisms, the veil and French secularism’, Socio, n°11, 2018, p.117-140.. From this perspective, veiled women are not actors of their own existence, but victims or accomplices of exogenous patriarchy, and are subject to Western-centric patriarchal injunctions. Femonationalism is based on power relations between cultures, but also between genders insofar as women are the primary targets of femonationalism, which is mobilised by a male majority^[24]There are obviously a significant proportion of women who use such arguments, but because of gender relations, the visibility and place of men in the public media debate is greater.. Femonationalism targets individuals who find themselves at the intersection of different markers. These are women, stigmatised for their ethnic origin and/or their religion. So, while denouncing a patriarchy described as foreign, these individuals reproduce universalist patriarchal logics instead, which reinforces and validates the instrumental character of feminisms in femonationalism.

The instrumentalisation of feminisms by interest

The French Republic is presented as the nation of freedoms and equality between all, where ‘feminism has become a label of republican respectability’ [free translation]^[25]SENAC, Réjane, ‘The mythology of equality: between republican values and feminism of otherness’, Powers, vol.173, n°2, 2020, pp. 89-100.. Yet, during the 2022 presidential primaries, a candidate from the ecological party, positioned as a feminist, was perceived as ‘a madwoman’, a ‘lunatic’ [free translation]^[26]Romain Herreros, ‘On CNews, this columnist’s sexist remark against Rousseau outrages the political class’, Huffingtonpost, 26/09/21, URL: … Continue reading. There are still many obstacles for women who want to reach positions of high responsibility, and this in a society where feminism is traditionally defined as ‘a pathology first medical, then social and political. To be a feminist is thus to be perceived as endangering an order and balance based on the respect of a supposedly natural sexual complementarity’ [free translation]^[27]Ibid, p.5.

This conception leads to several forms of opposition. For example, police repression of feminist demonstrations^[28]‘Feminist associations denounce police violence at a demonstration in Paris on Saturday,’ Le Monde, 08/03/20, URL: … Continue reading, fines for collages that involve the visibility of sexist and sexual violence in the public space^[29]Robin Korda, ‘Paris: 400 euros for putting up posters against feminicide’, Le Parisien, 07/09/19, URL: … Continue reading. They can take the form of direct protests such as those expressed by the Minister of Education, J-M. Blanquer, about wokism – a movement challenging colonialism, patriarchy and heteronormativity – presented as a ‘victim software to the detriment of the democratic foundations of our society’ [free translation]^[30]‘Jean-Michel Blanquer: wokism is a “doctrine” that “France and its youth must escape”’, Le Figaro, 14/10/21, URL: … Continue reading. These examples indicate hostility to feminism, even as they are mobilised to enhance national identity. Thus, it is possible to approach femonationalism as a backlash^[31]MANSBRIDGE, Jane; SHAMES, Shauna. L, ‘Towards a theory of backlash: dynamic resistance and the fundamental role of power,’ Feminist Research, vol.25, n°1, 2012, 151–162. – a reaction to the transformations brought about by the greater visibility of differences in a state that is characterised by indifference to differences. Relationships tend to be transformed, and the dominant individuals in this system see their power lose legitimacy.     

Femonationalists establish themselves as defenders of a national identity through a ‘self-proclaimed gynophilia’^[32]BARD, Christine; PAOLETTI, Marion, ‘France, feminist or antifeminist?’, Work, Gender and Society, vol.32, n°2, 2014, pp. 141-144.which is an argument mobilised for nationalist, economic and geopolitical interests.

Conclusion

 In France, certain practices, such as the wearing of the veil, are considered threatening to the French Republic because they jeopardise gender equality, which is presented as a value of the Republic, and secularism as a value conducive to the emancipation of women. These arguments are part of a femonationalism; they are those of individuals who appropriate feminist ideas to defend national identity, presenting France as the nation of freedoms and women’s rights, as the model to be adopted if women’s rights are to be respected. Ultimately, they propose a hegemonic conception of female emancipation by encouraging women to adopt the norms of Western femininity to claim freedom. French femonationalism thus reproduces dominant power relations insofar as it leads to the hierarchisation of cultures through patriarchal injunctions.

To cite this article: Marion Diette, “French Femonationalisme, or the development of a national identity through patriarchal order”, 22.07.2022, Gender in Geopolitics Institute. 

The views expressed in this article are solely those of the author.