Written by: Daphné Basthard Bogain
Translated by: Zoé Llacer
The vast majority of African countries are facing major socio-economic challenges that continue to affect many segments of their populations. Among the vulnerable groups that suffer disproportionately from the consequences of persistent inequalities, widows are of particular concern. The social and economic exclusion of widows is a complex and uneven problem that manifests itself through various regions of the continent. According to a UN Woman’s declaration[1] published in 2017, there are at least 258 millions of widows in the world, and despite a lack of data, at least 115 millions of them are living in extreme poverty[2]. The status of widows in Africa is often marked by a series of prejudices deeply rooted in tradition, social norms, and legal systems. Faced with the loss of their husband, these women often find themselves deprived of rights, access to resources and opportunities, exposing them to increased vulnerability and considerable difficulties in supporting themselves and their families. Some of them are relatively young, which can condemn them to many years of widowhood[3]. We need to adopt a gendered perspective on inequality of rights in Africa[4] in order to analyse more precisely the structural and cultural discrimination that exists. There is a tangible vicious circle leading to poverty, social isolation, and marginalisation. It represents a major challenge for governments, international organisations and civil society.
Based on a study of 23 countries on the African continent[5], this article examines the many dimensions of the economic and social exclusion of widows in Africa. To what extent does the economic and social exclusion of widows in Africa perpetuate the cycle of marginalisation and reinforce gender inequalities? The aim is first to explore the multiple origins of widows’ marginalisation in terms of social status, before developing the serious consequences for society of their economic exclusion and ending with the multidimensional approaches used to reduce their precariousness.
How the multiple origins of widows’ marginalisation in Africa relates to their social status
As soon as a spouse dies, a married woman who become a widow is likely to be subjected to degrading practices, whether psychological or physical. In Togo, widows may undergo a period of isolation or even imprisonment, or purification during ceremonies to cut the marital bond[6]. Other customs include making them drink water from the body where the husband was washed or shaving their heads[7]. In an article published in the journal Anthropologie et Développement (Anthropolgy and Development), the researcher Sylvie Ayimpam[8] summarises common practices in the Democratic Republic of Congo as follows : when her husband is buried, the widow is not allowed to get up, drink or eat for 24 hours, unless she cries hard enough. Widows are then urged to remarry quickly, due to family and social pressures. In Wolof, the language spoken in Mauritania and Mali, the word “thiaga” designates both an easy lay woman, a divorced woman or a widow[9]. In certain provinces, for example among the Luhya – a population divided into several tribes, mainly in East Africa, on the Kenyan territory –[10] the ancient practice of the levirate forces widows to marry one of their deceased husband’s brothers in order to continue cultivating the land[11]. The latter can take over her inheritance and come to live with her: actually, one of two African widows remarries a relative of her deceased husband[12]. Some face an even more difficult fate, especially if they resist. They are marginalised, threatened with forced sex[13], deprived of any inheritance and sometimes even driven out of their village[14]. If this takes place against a backdrop of conflict, the women have to support their families alone, sometimes in a refugee camp. In the Democratic Republic of Congo, 50% of women are widows[15]. Some are also victims of rape and susceptible to contracting the Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV). Finally, there are many obstacles to their ability to provide for themselves and their families: according to a UN report in 2000, 70% of the world’s poor people are women[16]. In Senegal, their incomes are limited, often below the poverty line[17], and living in precarious conditions impairs their physical and psychological well-being rapidly.
The stigmatisation and marginalisation of widows is reinforced by a combination of social and cultural factors. While these may differ from one country to another, comparing them helps us to understand the first ensuing consequences suffered by women. First of all, according to prevailing ancient cultural beliefs these women are regarded as “cursed”. They are sometimes chased out of their village under the accusation of being “soul eaters”[18]. Older women are even more vulnerable to widowhood for they have been victims of arranged marriages while they were young or because they are involved in polygamous relationships. Aging is a factor of gender inequality, as men often have at least one spouse and one child close to them. It is actually the case for three quarters of men over sixty years old in Uganda and over 95% of men in Senegal[19]. Women, on the other hand, are very likely to end their lives as widows: by the age of sixty, around one out of two women in Africa is a widow[20]. Older women who live without a partner and without adult children are more likely to report health problems than those who share their lives with one or the other[21].
The reality is that behind the situation of African widows lies the shadow of patriarchy. This social and cultural dynamic traditionally assigns a subordinate role to women within society through the restriction of their autonomy and decision-making power. Widows in particular, often find themselves confronted with a system that does not fully recognise their status as independent individuals. Their status is often changed overnight, from that of a wife to that of being solely a woman. This dual status of woman and widow makes them invisible[22]. Little or no data is collected on the whole, and the availability is scarcer for data disaggregated by gender or other socio-economic criteria such as age or socio-cultural group[23]. A second factor of exclusion is the low level of political representation of women. This deprives widows of a meaningful voice in decision-making processes. Their needs, rights and concerns are often dismissed or overlooked which has the effect of perpetuating imbalances and injustice[24].
Widows’ economic exclusion and its severe consequences for women and society as a whole
Many countries, such as Chad, Nigeria, Niger, Mauritania and Gambia[25], have discriminatory laws that restrict access to inheritance and the deceased husband’s property[26]. Nejma Bouchama’s article, Les inégalités de genre dans les institutions sociales ouest-africaines (Gender inequalities in West African social institutions), concludes that in the seven African countries studied: “43% of widows inherited part of their husband’s property, and only 27% inherited most of it[27]”. The Family Code in Democratic Republic of Congo for example, clearly settles the question of inheritance: orphans are the first-rank heirs. The widow and family members of the deceased are the second-tier heirs and share what is left from the legacy. It is increasingly common in Kinshasa to see widows and orphans completely stripped of their heritage[28]. In Africa, women’s land rights are secondary, eventhough some countries such as Senegal, Mali and Burkina Faso, recognise in theory equal rights for all[29]. In the best of cases, for example in Morocco and in Algeria, women have a right of usufruct, i.e. the right to use a property and receive an income from it without ownership[30]. Widows are effectively deprived of their property rights and social status[31]. In other countries, it may depend on a wedding contract provision. In any case, legal norms are still relatively dominated by customary principles excluding de facto women from land ownership[32]. Lastly, widows may be denied their inheritance rights while being obliged to repay their deceased husband’s debts[33].
Hence, in Subsaharian Africa, women farmers produce 80% of the food and yet, only they own 1% of the land[34]. Despite reforms such as the National Land Commission Act and the Land Registration Act in Kenya which ban all gender-based discrimination, barely 2% of land titles in the country were conveyed to women between 2013 and 2018[35] . It is therefore complicated for them to live independently after the death of their husband, especially if they obtain no pension after his death[36]. Even before that, their autonomy is not guaranteed, since in Democratic Republic of Congo and Namibia for example, there is a provision that excludes women from access to land: in fact, they depend on their husband’s permission for entering into a contract[37]. In Cameroon, the husband only is entitled to manage the couple’s assets[38].
They then become dependent on charity or on their family or in-laws and for living, return to the parent’s home or get an accommodation lent by a third party[39]. This economic support is highly determined by the quality of the relationship between the two parties: conflicts turn out to have strong disadvantage over widow. In those cases, where the economic supporter is possibly the host and roommate, bereaved women are inclined to avoid conflicts and disagreement with their providers[40]. In-laws may put an end to the relation they held with widows, and sometimes, the exclusion from the family in-law occurs at a time when they have grabbed for themselves advantageous parts of the legacy[41]. Because of this social isolation[42] and their low social status, widows may be forced into prostitution and begging[43]. Isolated and excluded, victims of violence and abuse from the outset, without legal recourse or adequate protection, their mental and physical health deteriorates rapidly. Children become collateral victims as they receive no support from their paternal family once their mother is no longer in contact with them[44]. Sometimes women find themselves in a situation of dependency that spans over several generations[45], for instance, in the case where a mother who is also a widow lives with her family or in-laws. Children who have reached the age of majority remain dependent, even if they are able to contribute to the family’s resources[46]. In these cases, another wedding is generally seen as a lifeline that saves them from the main food and health-related risks. However, some widows do not want to go through a second marriage, they may have been through previous marriages that proved difficult or abusive[47].
Multidimensional approaches help to reduce widows’ exclusion and insecurity
Widowhood has serious consequences in most African countries but the living conditions of widows remain largely unknown[48]. It has been observed though, that a new figure has emerged, that of independent women. Some women are actually refusing to be economically dependent, at least in the biggest cities. Another significant change is the growing influence of women as heads of household: in Ghana, Botswana and Togo, one out of three families is headed by a woman[49]. In Burkina Faso, widowhood is the primary means of acquiring such status. However, laws have only rarely adapted to this fact, although some countries, such as Kenya mentioned above, are increasingly adopting laws protecting the rights of widows. As a result, female heads of household are taxed under the category of single women without children, disabling them to benefit from the same tax allowance as men on an equality basis[50]. Few of them are provided with a steady income or property ownership. If they have family members who regularly send them money from abroad, they may then have access to extra financial resources[51].
While remarriage may offer an opportunity of receiving protection, in particular to women living in the poorest conditions, those who possess greater means stay single[52]. Yet, extended widowhood is an unusual condition. In Senegal, many women look for a “takkoo”, i.e. a legal spouse who will not live with them, with whom there is no obligation to give birth or have sexual activity and who is not obliged to support them financially, but will enable them to gain the status of married women[53]. While refusing levirate may be conflict-provoking in some regions of Africa, this traditional requirement is losing its cultural footprint in others and falls into disuse. Finally, some women refuse getting married not because they are happy with their situation as such, but because they doubt getting married will empower them. That is to say the point is not to take the risk of weakening an already precarious equilibrium[54]. Usually, their foremost priority is rather to preserve peace and autonomy for themselves. Consequently, event if “suitors” come along, they are reluctant to engage with partners who do not meet their criteria on behalf of what is socially expected from them as women[55].
In 2010, the United Nations General Assembly declared the 23 of June “International Widows’ Day”. Their rights are guaranteed by the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women and by the Convention on the Rights of the Child, adopted in 1979[56]. In the Democratic Republic of Congo, the Church offers support groups, addressing in particular widows, orphans and displaced people in relation to war[57]. Congolese state recognizes this organisation. Members are trained to provide a paralegal assistance to unprivileged people in order to help them having their voice heard[58]. Legal and political reforms are critically called for by the situation and demand a deep shift in attitudes. That in turn, should spur on the acknowledgment of education and awareness-raising for their true worth. In Côte d’Ivoire, the government has adopted several laws successively: the first bears on inheritance and establishes equal inheritance rights for children regardless of their sex; a 2019 reform protects the goods transmitted to the surviving spouse and the children; and eventually, a law prevents widows from being at risk of being evicted from their home by their in-laws[59]. The case of Kenya seems to be among the most convincing as regards the results effectively achieved by women’s associations. To name but a few, Kenya Land Alliance (KLA), the Centre for Land Economy and Rights of Women (CLEAR), the Women’s Political Caucus and the Federation of Women Lawyers Association (FIDA-Kenya) have been fighting for over 20 years to have women’s land rights recognised in public policy framing[60]. In Upper Egypt, where widows are severely stigmatised, the Samaha initiative was launched in 1998. The village was part of a programme supported by the Ministry of Agriculture, the World Food Programme (WFP) and the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD), introducing the creation of 5,000 villages and the cultivation of almost 25,000 acres of land. Villages were designed to host 303 women, to each of whom would be offered 6 acres of land, housing accommodation and cattle[61]. In Zambia[62]. The aim is to promote equity of access to economic opportunities and resources and to develop programs fostering their empowerment: for example, in Benin, the introduction of microcredits has had a positive and significant effect, particularly for disadvantaged women[63]. That said, empowerment is actually pursued with a variety of means: vocational training programs, incentives for entrepreneurship, financial support such as pensions and social protection[64]. Eventually, one could engage in a long-term commitment to end discriminations, promote inclusivity, repeal discriminatory laws and above all, smooth out the shocks associated with widowhood[65].
The economic and social exclusion of widows in Africa is a reality that calls for collective awareness and urgent action on the part of governments, institutions and civil society. It is imperative to develop inclusive policies and legal reforms to protect the rights of widows, ensure their equal access to economic opportunities, education and health services, and to eliminate gender-based discrimination. Existing initiatives need to be strengthened and expanded to ensure that they are adapted to the specific local needs. A holistic approach involving all relevant stakeholders, is essential to build sustainable and effective solutions. In addition, raising public and community awareness is crucial to changing the attitudes and beliefs that underpin the exclusion of widows. Increased education on women’s rights and gender equality is necessary to transform attitudes and beliefs and to promote a culture of inclusion and respect. Ultimately, the economic and social inclusion of widows in Africa is morally and materially required if a sustainable and balanced development is to be achieved along the lines of the UN’s 2030 Sustainable Development Goals[66].
To quote this publication: Daphné Basthard Bogain (2023). Widows’ social and economic exclusion in Africa. Gender in Geopolitics Institute. Trad. Zoé Llacer. https://igg-geo.org/?p=18932&lang=en
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[5] The countries studied are as follows Algeria, Benin, Botswana, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Chad, Côte d’Ivoire, Democratic Republic of Congo, Gambia, Ghana, Kenya, Mali, Mauritania, Morocco, Namibia, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Tanzania, Togo, Uganda and Zambia.
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[38] Articles 1421 and 1428 of the Civil Code
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