The Marea Verde in Argentina and Strajk Kobiet in Poland: Mass Protests, Common Symbols and the Building of a Global Feminist Movement

01/08/2023

Adriana Gonfroid 

The past years have offered contrasting images when it comes to the fight for the right to abortion across the globe. In December 2020, images of joy where shared across the globe as Argentinian women were celebrating across the country the legalisation of abortion with a new law significantly widening the grounds on which it could be accessed. Only a few weeks later, in January 2021, Poland offered a very contrasting image. Polish women had nothing to rejoice about, as a new legislation came into force in Poland, severely restricting the grounds on which abortion can be accessed. This prompted mass protests across the country.

While the situation and the debates varied widely across Argentina and Poland, similarities in the two feminist movements out on the street can be found. In Argentina, the Marea Verde (Green wave) movement was fighting for the legalisation of abortion. In Poland, the Strajk Kobiet (Women’s strike) movement was fighting against the suppression of this right. Symbols and arguments travel, especially in the era of social media. A telling example of the travelling of symbols is the fact that the trademark green scarf from the Marea Verde has been found in the Polish Strajk Kobiet protests, showing how activists influence each other across borders. One can thus wonder, what are the links between these two simultaneous movements, and how do two movements on different continents influence and support each other?

Abortion in Argentina, a Step Forward Giving Hope Across the Globe

Latin America has come to stand out at the forefront of the feminist fight in recent years. It is seen as the birthplace of the fourth feminist wave, which has skilfully used social media and mass protests to achieve institutional change^[1]Forteza, P. (2012, March 8). La quatrième vague féministe en Amérique Latine : de la rue aux institutions. Fondation Jean Jaurès. La quatrième vague féministe en Amérique latine : de la rue … Continue reading”. She highlights that it is the first time that a feminist wave spread out from the global South to the North. However, Cecilia Palmeiro, founder of the Argentinian NiUnaMenos movement argues: “We don’t want to call it the fourth wave because the scheme of the wave comes from the north and ignores many other movements that happened^[2]Suchanow, K. and Palmeiro, C. (2021 June 6). From Poland to Argentina, Building Transnational Feminist strategies, held on 22.06.21, {Conference}, Online. Accessible on Facebook Live | Facebook”.

However, Latin America remains a very conservative region when it comes to abortion. While there has been a rise in pro-choice movements and change in legislation in some countries, at the same time, in other parts of the continent, the anti-abortion legislation only grows stronger and is even constitutionalised^[3]Casas, X. ( 2021, November 1). How the ‘Green Wave’ Movement Did the Unthinkable in Latin America. New York Times. Opinion | How the ‘Green Wave’ Movement Did the Unthinkable in Latin America … Continue reading.

In Argentina, abortion was legalised by the Senate in December 2020^[4]Unknown author, (2021, January 18). Poland enforces controversial near-total abortion ban. BBC. Poland enforces controversial near-total abortion ban – BBC News. Abortion is now legal until the 14^th week, when it was previously only allowed to preserve the mother’s health or in instances of rape^[5]Harris, R. (2021, May 3) Green Scarves and Data Harvesting: How the Abortion Battle has Gone Digital. Harvard International Review. Green Scarves and Data Harvesting: How the Abortion Battle has Gone … Continue reading. This historic victory in Argentina might never have happened without the Marea Verde movement. The movement was born in 2018 out of the Argentinian NiUnaMenos group, originally created in 2015 to protest against gender-based violence, which grew quickly thanks to social media^[6]Casas, X. ( 2021, November 1). Op cit. ; Harris, R. (2021, May 3) Op cit.. Cecilia Palmeiro explains that they felt the need to channel all their energy on something concrete and with a clear result, the right for abortion^[7]Suchanow, K. and Palmeiro, C. (2021 June 6). From Poland to Argentina, Building Transnational Feminist strategies, held on 22.06.21, {Conference}, Online. Accessible on Facebook Live | Facebook.. This was a long fight, with at first a failure, as the senate voted against the legalisation in 2018^[8]See also on this topic: ¡Que sea ley! – Retour sur l’année où le droit à l’avortement a bien failli l’emporter en Argentine ! – Institut du Genre en Géopolitique (igg-geo.org). The movement was highly opposed by the Catholic Church, which has a strong presence on the Latin American continent^[9]Unknown author, (2020, December 30) Argentina abortion: Senate approves legalisation in historic decision. BBC. Argentina abortion: Senate approves legalisation in historic decision – BBC News. 

During the protests demanding legalisation many activists wore green scarves, a trademark sign of the movement. These scarves have historical roots as white scarves were used during the Argentinian dictatorship to protest murders and abductions^[10]Casas, X. ( 2021, November 1). Op cit.; Nayar J. and Garnier S. (2022, February 7) Abortion as a Human Right: The Fight for Reproductive Rights in Argentina and Poland. Harvard International Review. … Continue reading. The green scarves and protests quickly spread across Latin America, transforming the Marea Verde into a transnational movement^[11]Harris, R. (2021, May 3) Op cit. ; Nayar J. and Garnier S. (2022, February 7) Op cit. ; Forteza, P. (2012, March 8). Op cit..

Abortion in Poland, a step ‘backwards’?

While Argentinians were protesting for the adoption of a more progressive law regarding abortion, Poles were protesting against a more restrictive law. Historically, Poland was amongst the first countries to legalise abortion, in 1932, following the example of the Soviet Union, for instances of danger for the mother’s wellbeing. It was extended to social reasons in 1956^[12]Nayar J. and Garnier S. (2022, February 7) Op cit.. Nayar and Garnier, rom Harvard International Review, highlight the importance of the communist government’s repression of the Catholic Church in this context, and the rise to power of the Church after its fall^[13]Ibid.. They note that it is thus no surprise that the Polish abortion laws were restricted in the 1990s, with the suppression of the social reason for abortion. With the rise of the PIS party in the 2010s, very close to the Catholic Church, the situation has further deteriorated. They tried to further reduce access to abortion in 2016, prompting the first mass protests of the recent era in Poland^[14]Ibid. and the creation of the Strajk Kobiet movement. One such mass protest erupted on 3 October 2016, which has been labelled “Black Monday”, inspired by Icelandic protests of 1975 on employment matters^[15]Ibid.. The 2016 proposal ultimately failed^[16]Sifferlin, A. (non-dated). It’s Almost Impossible To Get An Abortion In Poland. These Women Crossed The Border To Germany For Help. Time. Polish Women Fight Back Against Restrictive Abortion Laws … Continue reading.

However, abortion legislation in Poland took a turn in January 2021, when a new regulation on abortion, making it possible only if the pregnancy endangers the mother’s life or in instances of rape or incest, officially took effect^[17]Unknown author, (2021, January 18). Poland enforces controversial near-total abortion ban. BBC. Poland enforces controversial near-total abortion ban – BBC News. This led to major demonstrations across the country, in continuity with October 2020 protests against the ruling by the Constitutional Court which had allowed this new legislation, as the Court stated that the law which authorised abortion due to foetal abnormalities was unconstitutional. This was the ground on which a vast majority of the abortions were done in Poland^[18]Nayar J. and Garnier S. (2022, February 7) Op cit.. Protests were reignited in September 2021 when a young woman died after a septic shock, which could have been prevented by terminating the pregnancy^[19]Ibid..

Similarities and Transnational Dimensions Between Latin America and Poland: New Feminist Wave and Anti-Gender Campaigns

These developments occurred in a context of growing anti-gender rhetoric and campaigns. This anti-gender rhetoric takes its roots in the 2000s but has gained ground and mediatisation in the 2010s^[20]Paternotte, D. & Kuhar, R. (2018). Disentangling and Locating the “Global Right”: Anti-Gender Campaigns in Europe. Politics and Governance, 6 (3), 6-19.; Rawluszko M. (2021). And If the … Continue reading. It is no surprise that the new feminist wave developed first in Latin America, as that is where the anti-gender rhetoric first appeared^[21]Paternotte, D. & Kuhar, R. (2018). Op cit.. Researchers Kuhar and Paternotte explain that “According to its opponents, ‘gender ideology’ is the ideological matrix of the different reforms they try to oppose, which pertain to intimate/sexual citizenship debates, including LGBT rights, reproductive rights, and sex and gender education^[22]Ibid.”. Palmeiro explains that the rise of these anti-gender movements in Latin America had a role in the creation of NiUnaMenos in 2015^[23]Suchanow, K. and Palmeiro, C. (2021 June 6). Op cit..

Paternotte and Kuhar analyse that populist parties often play a role in spreading the anti-gender rhetoric but that populism cannot be studied in the same way in Europe and in Latin America. Furthermore, they note that populism using the anti-gender ideology is not restricted to the right, as it is used on both sides of the political spectrum^[24]Paternotte, D. & Kuhar, R. (2018). Op cit.. In Poland, Klementyna Suchanow, one of the founders of Strajk Kobiet, analyses that “War was declared by a network of fundamentalists {…} The habit of building coalitions is very known to them and is used as a form of foreign operation on other countries^[25]Suchanow, K. and Palmeiro, C. (2021 June 6). Op cit.”. Elaborating on these coalitions, she highlights the connections between Poland and Latin America when it come to this international fundamentalist coalition, for example the links between Poland and the Brazilian organisation  “Tradition, Family, Property” (TFP). TFP is a transnational organisation of conservative and Catholic oriented nature with national branches across the globe which dates back to the 20^th century, when it was originally founded by Plinio Corrêa de Oliveira, a Brazilian politician and owner. TFP helped found Ordo Iuris in Poland in 2013, the main conservative organisation in the country advocating against abortion. The changes in legislation were even drafted by Ordo Iuris who subsequently lobbied higher spheres^[26]Datta, N. (2019). Modern-Day Crusaders in Europe. Tradition, Family and Property: Analysis of a Transnational, Ultra-Conservative, Catholic-Inspired Influence Network. Političke Perspektive … Continue reading. Datta notes “Having withered away from Latin America, TFP is now an active European network with positions against sexual and reproductive rights (SRR) among its priorities^[27]Ibid.”. He sees that the core of TFP moved to Europe from Latin America, with its heart now in Poland after a short stop in France.

Suchanow highlights the amount of money coming into Poland from abroad to Ordo Iuris, mainly from the Americas and Russia. She notes that they first fought against it at the national level, thinking that the war had only been declared on them but soon realised they were not the only ones this war had been declared on^[28]Suchanow, K. and Palmeiro, C. (2021 June 6). Op cit., highlighting the global dimension of the conservative anti-gender campaign and why a global feminist response was thus needed.

Mass Protests and the Creation of a Transnational Feminist Movement: the International Women’s Strike

When it comes to Argentina and Poland and the building of a common response, the sharing of symbols and tactics has gone both ways. The 2016 Polish women’s strike against restrictions on abortion inspired the Argentinian NiUnaMenos movement and others across the globe^[29]Suchanow, K. (2020, April 15). How a harsh Polish abortion bill sparked women’s strikes around the world. OpenDemocracy. How a harsh Polish abortion bill sparked women’s strikes around the world … Continue reading. After the Polish “Black Monday” on 3 October 2016 came the Argentinian “Black Wednesday” to protest against gender-based violence on 19 October 2016^[30]Suchanow, K. (2020, April 15). Ibid. ; Friedman E.J., and Tabbush C. (2016, November 1),  #NiUnaMenos: Not One Woman Less, Not One More Death! NACLA. #NiUnaMenos: Not One Woman Less, Not One More … Continue reading.

Amongst the similarities between the Argentinian and Polish fights are thus the mass strikes and the capacity of the movements to bring an important number of people out in the streets.

^[31]Source of images: #NiUnaMenos: Not One Woman Less, Not One More Death! | NACLA ; How a harsh Polish abortion bill sparked women’s strikes around the world | openDemocracy

The Polish Black Monday and the Argentinian Black Wednesday

This Argentinian-Polish connection resulting from the Black Monday and Black Wednesday led to the creation of the International Women’s Strike, with a first edition being held in 2017 and an official call to strike being published by NiUnaMenos^[32]Call to the International Women’s Strike – March 8, 2017 | Engenderings (lse.ac.uk). Palmeiro explains that the Polish Women’s Strike contacted them after seeing the Argentinian strike, prompting discussions on a common international date, March the 8^th presenting itself as the obvious choice. Suchanow notes “Most people think that the International Women’s Strike was organised by Argentine or Polish women. They find it hard to understand that they could do this together^[33]Suchanow, K. (2020, April 15). Op cit.”. The importance of social media for the coordination of the group across Argentina has been highlighted^[34]Harris, R. (2021, May 3) Op cit.. Internet was also key in Poland, as explained by Suchanow: “women, many of whom (like myself) didn’t have a clue about feminist organisations, could get to know each other online and then meet in real life to discuss the logistics of the strike^[35]Suchanow, K. (2020, April 15). Op cit.”.

Common Symbols: Green Scarves and Lightning Bolts

At first, the two movements had not yet found their trademark symbols and colors and the rule during the first protests was to wear black^[36]Friedman E.J., and Tabbush C. (2016, November 1),  Op cit.. Specific symbols came along later. One can see that in both cases, the movements came to adopt clear visuals: for the Poles, the red lightning bolt and for the Argentinians, once the movement started to focus on abortion rights, the green scarf. Palmeiro notes on the subject of the scarves “This is how we created a feminist territory. When we are together but also when you are alone and see another woman or feminised body or body at all with the scarf this is how you create a mobile feminist territory^[37]Suchanow, K. and Palmeiro, C. (2021 June 6). Op cit.”. In the age of social media activism, the visuals of a movement are very important to spread awareness.

^[38]Sources of images: Argentina’s Abortion Vote Was a Stepping Stone Not a Setback | Time ; OSK_PLAKATY | Ogólnopolski Strajk Kobiet

The Green scarves and the Red lightning bolt

Amongst the symbols found in the Polish mobilisations and protest were the Strajk Kobiet trademark sign of a lightning bolt in red, but also green headscarves. The green scarf symbol travelled across Latin America and the world, arriving in Poland. The Polish symbol of the lightning bulb has known a similar trajectory, and has reached other continents, being used for example in Paraguay or the US, where it is being declined in different ways^[39]Batycka, D. (2020, November 2). What’s behind the red lightning bolt, the main symbol of Poland’s pro-choice marches? The Art Newspaper. What’s behind the red lightning bolt, the … Continue reading. The two symbols have been merged, which can be seen in this picture of Polish actress Karolina Mikula holding a green scarf with the lightning bulb printed on it:

^[40]Source of image: Rage and hope fuel women’s revolt over abortion in Poland | Lifestyle News,The Indian Express

In both cases, hashtags were widely and successfully spread on social media,  #strajkkobiet^[41]#STRAJKKOBIET – Recherche Twitter / Twitter for Poland and #NiUnaMenos^[42]#NiUnaMenos – Recherche Twitter / Twitter in Latin America. Palmeiro notes the importance of #NiUnaMenos in the rallying of people and the huge success of their first marches, before the movement started to focus on abortion^[43]Suchanow, K. and Palmeiro, C. (2021 June 6). Op cit.. During the fight for abortion rights, the Marea Verde movement used the hashtag #SeraLey^[44]Translation: It will be law. which then became #EsLey^[45]Translation: It is law; #EsLey 💚 (@CampAbortoLegal) / Twitter . This evolution in the hashtags illustrates the Argentinian success, which kept other movements going^[46]Harris, R. (2021, May 3). Op cit.. Suchanow stated “We looked with a lot of emotion last year to Argentina, when you had a pro-abortion law, because at the same time we had protests against banning of abortion, so it is also an example for us and we are very happy to learn from your case, what you did, your campaign and implement something like that, similar, in Poland. There are always different conditions, political, historical, culture, but there is always something that can be copied^[47]Suchanow, K. and Palmeiro, C. (2021 June 6). Op cit.”.

Conclusion

One can thus see that the two movements are deeply interlinked and that their similarities are not a coincidence. They have common and similar enemies, in the form of the anti ‘gender ideology’ groups. The inspiration for a women’s strike travelled from Poland to Argentina, and the two groups ultimately worked together to set up the international woman’s strike. Finally, the symbolic green scarf travelled from Argentina to Poland and has more recently been found in the protests in the United States against the repeal of Roe v. Wade. The situation in the United States illustrates the strength of the current anti-gender movements and the need of a global feminist response, which common symbols and social media help build, in the face of a global enemy.

References

Batycka, D. (2020, November 2). What’s behind the red lightning bolt, the main symbol of Poland’s pro-choice marches? The Art Newspaper. What’s behind the red lightning bolt, the main symbol of Poland’s pro-choice marches? (theartnewspaper.com)

Brown, K. (2020, November 5). Meet the Artist Behind the Lighting Bolt Design That Has Become the Symbol of Women’s Rights in an Increasingly Oppressive Poland. ArtNet News. Meet the Artist Behind the Lighting Bolt Design That Has Become the Symbol of Women’s Rights in an Increasingly Oppressive Poland | Artnet News

Casas, X. ( 2021, November 1). How the ‘Green Wave’ Movement Did the Unthinkable in Latin America. New York Times. Opinion | How the ‘Green Wave’ Movement Did the Unthinkable in Latin America – The New York Times (nytimes.com)

Datta, N. (2019). Modern-Day Crusaders in Europe. Tradition, Family and Property: Analysis of a Transnational, Ultra-Conservative, Catholic-Inspired Influence Network. Političke Perspektive (Beograd ), 8(3), 69–105.

Forteza, P. (2012, March 8). La quatrième vague féministe en Amérique Latine : de la rue aux institutions. Fondation Jean Jaurès. La quatrième vague féministe en Amérique latine : de la rue aux institutions – Fondation Jean-Jaurès (jean-jaures.org)

Friedman E.J., and Tabbush C. (2016, November 1),  #NiUnaMenos: Not One Woman Less, Not One More Death! NACLA. #NiUnaMenos: Not One Woman Less, Not One More Death! | NACLA

Harris, R. (2021, May 3) Green Scarves and Data Harvesting: How the Abortion Battle has Gone Digital. Harvard International Review. Green Scarves and Data Harvesting: How the Abortion Battle has Gone Digital (harvard.edu)

Nayar J. and Garnier S. (2022, February 7) Abortion as a Human Right: The Fight for Reproductive Rights in Argentina and Poland. Harvard International Review. Abortion as a Human Right: The Fight for Reproductive Rights in Argentina and Poland (harvard.edu)

Paternotte, D. & Kuhar, R. (2018). Disentangling and Locating the “Global Right”: Anti-Gender Campaigns in Europe. Politics and Governance, 6 (3), 6-19.

Rawluszko M. (2021). And If the Opponents of Gender Ideology Are Right? Gender Politics, Europeanization, and the Democratic Deficit. Politics & Gender, 17, 301–323.

Sifferlin, A. (non-dated). It’s Almost Impossible To Get An Abortion In Poland. These Women Crossed The Border To Germany For Help. Time. Polish Women Fight Back Against Restrictive Abortion Laws (time.com)

Suchanow, K. (2020, April 15). How a harsh Polish abortion bill sparked women’s strikes around the world. OpenDemocracy. How a harsh Polish abortion bill sparked women’s strikes around the world | openDemocracy

Suchanow, K. and Palmeiro, C. (2021 June 6). From Poland to Argentina, Building Transnational Feminist strategies, held on 22.06.21, {Conference}, Online. Accessible on Facebook Live | Facebook.

Unknown author, (2020, December 30) Argentina abortion: Senate approves legalisation in historic decision. BBC. Argentina abortion: Senate approves legalisation in historic decision – BBC News

Unknown author, (2021, January 18). Poland enforces controversial near-total abortion ban. BBC. Poland enforces controversial near-total abortion ban – BBC News